A Hollywood Ending for Pharma?

There is an interesting article at Xconomy San Diego on the growing tensions between venture capitalists, biotech startups, and pharmaceutical companies. Many entrepreneurs feel like they’re getting a raw deal from big pharma firms. One source alleges that dealmakers are about to kill the geese that lay the golden eggs.

In an earlier post, I worried that big pharma firms were becoming virtual to the point of ghostliness, mere nexuses of certifications, patent and trademark portfolios, tax dodges, and contractual obligations. If these trends continue, what types of controversies are likely to develop?

Gains from Gatekeeping

The just-in-time, ad hoc nature of movie production has led many economists to see in it a model for collaboration in other industries. As Marty Neumaier puts it, “By switching to a network model, the studios . . . avail themselves of the best talent for each project, thereby creating unique products and shedding unnecessary overhead.” But one-off, one-sided contracts can lead to epic conflicts. Consider, for instance, the recent rash of news about Hollywood accounting:

Michael Moore . . . claims $2.7m in unpaid royalties from Fahrenheit 9/11 [from his studio]. . . At the heart of the lawsuit is a dispute about Hollywood accounting practices that have for decades been a source of contention between the studios that release movies and “the talent” . . . Moore alleges the Weinsteins improperly deducted expenses from his share of the film’s profits – including the cost of a private jet to fly Weinstein from the US to Europe.

When an intermediary has access to extraordinary distribution networks, it has enormous leverage vis a vis “the talent.” Studios might respond that it’s a lot more fun to be Michael Moore than it is to be Harvey Weinstein: one gets to express his ideas, the other has to meet a payroll. But the enormous amounts of money generated by the film (between $228 and $500 million, according to Moore’s lawyer), and the frequency of complaints like Moore’s, lead to concerns about transparency and bargaining power in the industry.

Terry Fisher has written compellingly on the economics of Hollywood and pharmaceutical research (with Talha Syed). Intellectual property is key to both industries, and that’s one natural point of connection. Another is the economic role of middlemen, a topic that’s becoming increasingly important as certain dominant companies aim to own the “celestial jukebox,” “master switch,” or “Digital WalMart” of content connectivity.

Consider Apple’s demand for 30% of revenue from publications delivered via the iPad–and its refusal to share key customer data (for example, ads clicked on, time spent per page, etc.) with publishers. Seth Godin does not approve of this move:

The web has been a hotbed of siloed content, of deep dives for small audiences. The large scale stuff, though, has tended to be mostly about gossip and other quick reads that’s cheap to produce. Tablets offer a new chance to create content worth paying for.

[But] Apple has announced that they want to tax each subscription made via the iPad at 30%. Yes, it’s a tax, because what it does is dramatically decrease the incremental revenue from each subscriber.

These debates are very old in the tech world: when the VCR was introduced, Hollywood said its makers should pay for all the copyright infringement it enabled. Sony eventually retorted that the studios should be glad to see all the new customers that electronics would bring them.

Health Care’s Middlemen

Moore, the disgruntled biotech firms, and Godin each in their own way bring up issues that are going to be very big in health care over the next decade. Private insurers were supposed to be the magical mediators between providers and consumers in health care, demanding value and driving down prices. But, as Joseph White has shown, it was far easier for insurers to “stick it to” their customers than to constrain prices of “must-have” providers:

Remembering the pain of the late 1990s, [by 2001] managers of health care providers and insurance companies were determined to keep prices up through “pricing discipline.” “I’ve never seen discipline in the industry from a pricing standpoint like I’ve seen now” (HSChange 2004, p. 2), said one insurance industry consultant, providing part of the answer to why the underwriting cycle had yet to turn back toward lower margins. . . .

One might wonder why consolidation among insurers did not allow them to resist the providers’ demand for increased payments. The simple answer is that there were two concentrated parts of the market and one fragmented part. The insurers had to choose between fighting a full-pitched battle with the providers or exploiting their own market power vis-à-vis the employers. Raising premiums to employers was a lot easier. In theory, employers could have demanded restrictive networks (at lower prices). But since everyone had agreed that employees did not like restrictive networks, and providers (especially hospitals) were not willing to discount much to get into such networks, there were not many available for purchase. Individual employers could not invent such a product; they could only shop around and find the relatively best deal by customizing other contract terms, such as cost sharing.

Just as insurers began to align more with the interests of concentrated providers than with fragmented, disorganized consumers, so too do many Group Purchasing Organizations appear to be failing to fulfill their promise as cost-constraining intermediaries. As one analyst testified before the DOJ and FTC, “the compensation of most GPO management is almost always based on . . . fee income [from suppliers] rather than on the real savings to hospital members.” Again, the ostensible “protector” of one side of the health care equation ends up aiding one side of the deal.

Of course, the masters of all such deals work in finance. As Karen Ho suggested in her excellent ethnography, Liquidated, their values inform all the tough and opportunistic dealmaking mentioned above. As I taught health care finance over the past few years, I continually felt the topic stood in relation to finance proper as chemistry might stand in relation to physics: a discipline in its own right, but ultimately reducible to a more fundamental science. (I’m not saying I endorse this reductionism, just that it is an intuitively plausible model for what’s really driving developments in health care.)

Are there any policy lessons for health care? As Louis Uchitelle has suggested, we might want to question an economic system that delivers risk-free riches to those who invest or market future cures and little but anxiety (with limited or very unlikely upside) to many of those who create them. If we hesitate at awarding Apple a perpetual 30% bite of publisher profits merely for becoming the hippest platform, or question a finance sector that grabs 30% of all corporate profits, we might also want to articulate some decent maximum multiple of dealmakers’ over researchers’ compensation.

Reflecting on his book “The Great Stagnation” a few weeks ago, Tyler Cowen noted that many of the biggest winners in today’s economy are structuring “heads I win, tails you lose” deals. Wall Street has mastered the concentration and privatization of gain and socialization of loss. Will key players in pharma and the rest of the health care sector scramble to follow its lead?

Professor Emeritus Margaret Gilhooley: “Drug User Fees, Health Priorities, Politics, the Deficit and Reform Directions”

Professor Emeritus Margaret Gilhooley of Seton Hall Law has posted “Drug User Fees, Health Priorities, Politics, the Deficit and Reform Directions” to SSRN. The paper examines the FDA’s funding mechanism in relationship to industry and raises questions as to the appropriateness of the arrangement as presently configured. The abstract alone is telling:

Abstract:
The Food and Drug Administration now depends on user fees paid by drug companies to support more than half the salaries of the medical reviewers who advise the agency on the appropriateness of approving a drug. The funding creates a substantial risk of “capture” of the agency by the industry. Under the program, which started in 1992, drug companies pay a fee that permits the agency to hire additional reviewers to make more timely reviews on whether a drug can be approved. Under the law, the agency seeks to meet performance goals for the timing of reviews, giving the program the appearance of having a fee-for-service basis.

The legislative authorization for the fees expires every five years, and the agency and the industry negotiate behind closed doors on the renewal and the performance goals for the reviews. The need for renewal creates an opportunity for the passage of laws that might not have been enacted separately. Some believe the Administration may accept measures of debatable merit to avoid having to layoff needed reviewers. Limiting the user fee support to half the Government appropriation for the program, and making the program permanent can alleviate the capture and linkage problems.

This paper maintains that reforms and changes in the policy rationale for the program are needed before locking-in a permanent funding commitment at a time of debate about growing budget shortfalls. Instead of a fee-for-service rationale, the program should be based on a health review rationale. A study is needed to identify better priority rankings and goals for drug reviews, rather than the simple categories and negotiations that now exist. To avoid the risk of capture, the revenues from the fees should not exceed the Government funding for the program. Making the fee program permanent would address the linkage problem but providing permanent funding can undercut Congress’ responsibility to determine important budget allocations in a time of concern about deficits. If the program is made permanent, the law should make clear that Congress can reduce the funding level for the fees to deal equitably with funding cutbacks in other programs made in light deficit considerations. Congress should also have to approve any major increases in the fee levels. The significance of the user fee program and the reforms needed, before it is made permanent, warrant wide attention.

Pharmaceutical Promotion, Prescriptions, Payors: Chain, Chain, Chain?

On February 16, 2011, Magistrate Judge Ramon E. Reyes issued a Report & Recommendation in Sergeants Benevolent Assn. Health & Welfare Fund v. Sanofi-Aventis U.S. LLP, Case No. 1:08-cv-00179-SLT-RER (E.D.N.Y. Feb. 16, 2011), recommending that the district court not certify a class of union health and welfare funds and other third-party payors claiming that they paid for prescriptions for the antibiotic Ketek that doctors would not have written but for the defendant Sanofi-Aventis’ fraudulent marketing.  Jim Edwards at Placebo Net summarizes the plaintiffs’ fraud allegations as follows:  “Basically, Sanofi knew in October 2001 that one of its main researchers on the drug was probably faking her data. That researcher was indicted for research fraud in April 2003. Yet in April 2004, the FDA approved Ketek for sale even though both it and Sanofi knew the data on which the approval was based was entirely bogus. In 2007, after 53 cases of liver failure including four deaths, the FDA all but withdrew Ketek from the market.”

Judge Reyes’ R & R is just the latest in a string of decisions rejecting plaintiffs’ attempts to fit the peg of fraudulent or illegal promotion of drugs and devices into the hole of a civil Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) class action.  Writing in Defense Counsel Journal in April of 2010, J. Gordon Cooney, John P. Lavelle, and Bahar Shariati explain the reasons why civil RICO is attractive to class action plaintiffs.  The Food Drug & Cosmetic Act does not have a private right of action, so those harmed when a drug is promoted fraudulently or illegally (for an off-label use, for example) cannot simply allege a violation of the FDCA.  Frequently, they claim instead that the promotion at issue constituted mail or wire fraud, both of which count as racketeering activity under the RICO statute, and that the defendant was guilty of conducting a RICO enterprise.  The civil RICO vehicle has several advantages for plaintiffs, including the possibility of treble damages, broad choice of venues, and “[p]erhaps most importantly in the class action context, civil RICO claims conceivably allow plaintiffs to sidestep the predominating choice-of-law issues that typically prevent nationwide class actions based on fraud or deceptive practice law[.]”

As the authors of the defense-oriented blog Drug and Device Law explain, however, third-party payors like the union health and welfare funds who brought the Ketek case have encountered difficulty at the class certification stage.  This is because they have been unable to convince courts that the members of the class could rely on common evidence to prove their claims.  In particular, courts have held that class certification is not appropriate because each plaintiff would have to put on individualized prescription-by-prescription evidence to establish that the promotion in question caused it to pay for prescriptions that would not otherwise have been written.

As Jim Edwards puts it, Judge Reyes held that “[t]he doctor’s decision to write a Ketek prescription removes the ‘proximate cause’ necessary to establish that the plaintiffs paid for the drug based on fraud — even though the only reason the drug was on the market was because of Sanofi’s fraud, and individual doctors are in no position to know whether drugs are backed by fraudulent data or not.”  Edwards suggest that “[i]f Congress wanted to find a cost-free way of reducing government spending on medical bills, then loosening the legal definitions of fraud, kickbacks and false statements to include common sense interpretations of bad behavior would be one way to do it.”

A “Sputnik Moment”? Hopes for Renewed Drug Development With A Little Help From Our NIH Friends

In his State of the Union Address, President Obama tried to spark the “creativity and imagination” of the American people when he proclaimed

[t]his is our generation’s Sputnik moment.  Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven’t seen since the height of the Space Race.  And in a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal.  We’ll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology… an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.

Now I don’t know what came first — the chicken or the egg — but President Obama’s speech about investing in biomedical research and technological innovation follows National Institutes of Health (NIH) Director Francis Collins’ proposal to create a National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS) to encourage drug discoveries and facilitate translational research in compounds overlooked by or abandoned by pharmaceutical manufacturers.  So does Dr. Collins’ proposal qualify as a “Sputnik moment”?

You might not have realized it, given those never-ending TV and magazine advertisements for prescription products (whose side effects sometimes sound worse than their benefits, but that’s another blog post), but pharmaceutical manufacturers have reduced their investment in researching and developing drugs.  According to the New York Times, pharmaceutical manufacturers spend over $1 billion developing a drug, with some “typically spend[ing] twice as much on marketing as on research” though that’s “a business model that is increasingly suspect.”  (For a brief overview of the research and development process, click here.)  The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) estimates that its members spent $45.8 billion in 2009 in research alone.

Even so, the number of drugs approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has dropped over the last 15 years and that’s not due to a lack of scientific information or higher FDA standards.  In November 2010, Forbes health blogger Matthew Herper reported on  the annual meeting of the American Society of Human Genetics at which Dr. Collins

implored his colleagues in genetics to work to develop new treatments for rare diseases. His point was that the NIH and the Food and Drug Administration are increasingly able to handle preclinical and early clinical drug development, and that with these first steps taken medicines are more likely to be brought to market by large pharmaceutical companies.

Mr. Herper also noted that a few organizations, such as the Cystic Fibrosis Foundation and the Multiple Myeloma Research Foundation, have taken a similar route in pushing along research  until a pharmaceutical manufacturer picks up the slack.  Then a month later, Arthur H. Rubenstein, dean of the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine and chair of the NIH Translational Medicine and Therapeutics Working Group, told the Wall Street Journal Health Blog, “[b]asic science has exploded but it has not translated into benefit for the public.  The question was what to do about it.”

In stepped NIH to ease, in the words of the WSJ Health Blog, the “mounting frustration that a wealth of new information about the molecular basis of diseases hasn’t produced more new therapies.”  On December 7, 2010, NIH’s Scientific Management Review Board (SMRB) voted 12-1 in favor of adding NCATS to NIH.  Dr. Collins notified Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius of the decision.  Then on January 14, 2011, Secretary Sebelius sent a letter to Congress.  However, the decision to add NCATS  meant dismantling one of the 27 NIH centers and institutes, per the requirements of a 2006 law (”27″ is the “magic number”).  The lone SMRB dissenter, Jeremy Berg, director of the National Institute of General Medical Sciences, said he was “concerned that the implications for the rest of NIH hadn’t been adequately discussed.”

And therein lies some of the controversy.  NIH envisions NCATS as a link between basic discovery research and therapeutics care by:

• providing a visible, central locus for access to resources, tools, and expertise related to translational medicine;
• streamlining and improving the process of therapeutics development;
• serving as a catalyst, resource, and convener for collaborative interactions by supporting novel and innovative partnerships between multiple key stakeholders, including academia, government, industry, venture capitalists, and non-profit organizations;
• expanding the pre-competitive space by, among other things, enabling and providing incentives for greater sharing of scientific information and publication of negative results;
• supporting and strengthening translational medicine and therapeutics research, including providing access to services and resources for high-throughput screening, assay development, medicinal chemistry, and preclinical modeling;
• training translational research investigators; and
• enhancing communication among all stakeholders.

PhRMA Senior Vice President David E. Wheadon supports NCATS because

[c]ollaboration — including industry, NIH and academia — is one element driving innovation in drug development, particularly early stage — and ‘bold and ambitious’ proposals, such as Dr. Collins’, will be key to how we collectively progress in discovering novel compounds for addressing patients’ unmet medical needs….

The fact remains that biopharmaceutical research companies today and in the future will play a pivotal role: Our companies create the vast majority of new medicines from start to finish and, for the remainder, in close collaboration with academia and NIH, fulfill the critical final phase that transforms promising molecules into actual medicines for patients.

The WSJ Health Blog notes that NCATS isn’t NIH’s first foray into developing drugs.  In 2009, NIH created the Therapeutics for Rare and Neglected Diseases (TRND) program for basic research on rare diseases.  This early stage of drug development, WSJ Health Blog notes, is “expensive, time-consuming… prone to failure” and often not worth the effort for pharmaceutical manufacturers since the related market is small.

However, this time NIH must restructure several programs to accommodate NCATS, including the Molecular Libraries screening program, TRND, and the National Center for Research Resource’s (NCRR) Clinical and Translational Science Awards.  NCATS would house all three programs, along with the in-the-works Cures Acceleration Network (a drug-development program created by the Patient Protected and Affordable Care Act).

Staff members and researchers connected with the NIH community aren’t too thrilled over the restructuring, particularly with respect to NCRR.  If you visit Feedback NIH, the online forum for public commentary on NIH initiatives, you can read through the 1,100+ lengthy NCATS-related comments.  You’ll also see the “Separating Fact & Fiction” post by Dr. Francis Collins, which begins:

[b]y now, many of you have read the recent New York Times article or related news coverage, about NIH’s plan to establish the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS).

While we are pleased that the news media have recognized NIH’s efforts as a significant development for translational research, the Times article contains some misleading statements that we would like to clarify. Those statements suggest that a much larger shakeup of NIH is underway than is actually contemplated.

So, to set the record straight, we want to share with you what we know at this point in time…

(internal links removed).  The “we” includes Members of the Institute and Center Directors NCATS Working Group.  The post attempts to clear up concerns about budget cuts (House Republicans have already promised to cut the discretionary spending that supports NIH), the security of existing programs, and the misconception that NCATS will be a drug company.

Despite the negative responses, Dr. Collins remains optimistic.  In an interview with ScienceInsider, he emphasized that

the NIH director is called upon to look for scientific opportunities that aren’t being met and to figure out how to make them happen, and that sometimes requires moving things forward at a rapid pace, and that affects a lot of people.

And of course change is always distressing, especially if people aren’t quite sure where it’s going. So I understand the anxiety that currently exists.

But let’s wait a year and see when this has all taken shape how people feel at that point. Will they say at that point that projects or programs at NCRR got dealt a bad deal? I bet they won’t. Will they say they’re excited about the translational science opportunities that are taking shape in the form of this new center? I bet they will.

Perhaps if purse strings weren’t so tight and the healthcare reform debate was settled — or if NIH wasn’t limited to 27 centers and institutes — the creation of NCATS might not upset so many people.  Yet has Dr. Collins displayed a little of that “Sputnik moment” spirit by accelerating the development of drugs for diseases and other areas overlooked by pharmaceutical manufacturers?  Sure.  Just don’t expect him to take us to the moon.

Symposium on Access to Knowledge in the Age of Intellectual Property

There will be an online symposium on the new book Access to Knowledge in the Age of Intellectual Property at Concurring Opinions this Tuesday to Thursday (Feb. 1 to Feb. 3, 2011). This book, edited by Gaëlle Krikorian and Amy Kapczynski, is available for free download here, and can also be purchased here. Here is a quote from the introduction that gives a sense of the book’s themes:

In a hospital in South Korea, leukemia patients are expelled as untreatable because a multinational drug company refuses to lower the price of a life-saving drug. Thousands of miles away, a U.S. group called the Rational Response Squad is forced by the threat of a copyright lawsuit to take down a YouTube video criticizing the paranormalist Uri Geller. Could we—should we—see these two events, so seemingly remote from one another, as related? Yes—or such is the premise of a new political formation on the global stage, one that goes under the name of the “access to knowledge movement”—or more simply, A2K.

A2K is an emerging mobilization that includes software programmers who took to the streets to defeat software patents in Europe, AIDS activists who forced multinational pharmaceutical companies to permit copies of their medicines to be sold in South Africa, and college students who have created a new “free culture” movement to “defend the digital commons”—to select just a few. A2K can also be seen as an emerging set of theoretical commitments that both respond to and reject the key justifications for “intellectual property” law and that seek to develop an alternative account of the operation and importance of information and knowledge, creativity and innovation in the contemporary world.

Krikorian and Kapczynski have assembled a top-notch group of contributors, and we welcome comments from across the blogosphere.

Pharma Coupons: Enriching the Drug Companies

A recent New York Times article highlighted an increasing trend in pharmaceutical consumerism.  Many drug companies are providing copayment or coinsurance payment assistance.  These subsidies now exist “for about half of the top 100 brand-name drugs sold in this country,” according to health analyst Richard Evans of Sector & Sovereign Research.  Some patients receive copayment cards or coupons from their physicians while others find them on the internet.

So what’s the big deal?  Insurance companies use cost sharing to encourage patient selection of less-costly therapeutic options.  Pricing differences influence consumer choices; The American Journal of Managed Care reported in 2005 that most studies of cost sharing and prescription purchasing estimate that a 10% increase in price would decrease consumer use by 1-4%.  As NPR reported, “[t]he copay strategy worked so well that in 2003, more than half of all drugs picked up at pharmacies were generics.”

In mid-2006, pharmaceutical companies introduced coupons to reduce beneficiaries’ out-of-pocket costs for expensive drugs.  The “pharmaceutical subsidies” act as a counter-incentive, steering patients toward more expensive drugs–which wind up costing the consumer less– or zero–out-of-pocket.  As a result, the use of pharmaceutical copayment cards or coupons has tripled since their inception.

Financial Assistance or Greedy Marketing?

According to the NY Times, “[d]rug companies say the [copayment assistance] plans help some patients afford medicines that they otherwise could not.”  However, this seemingly altruistic explanation rings–shall we say– like something less than the entire truth.  For starters, these coupons are widely available on the internet and physicians who distribute the cards do not screen patients for financial need.  As the NYTimes reports,

Executives at Medicis, the company that sells Solodyn, have told investors that the co-payment card is used by an “overwhelming majority” of patients, and is largely responsible for doubling use of the drug, to 26,000 prescriptions a week.

That sounds like brilliant marketing, not need-based financial assistance.

Also, when we think of those who are most in need, we often think (rightly or wrongly) of the uninsured, the poor and the elderly — none of whom benefit from the pharmaceutical subsidy!  As the Amgen First Step Program website states, it is “a medical benefit co-pay coupon program to help commercially insured eligible patients with their deductible, co-insurance, and/or co-pay requirements” for listed drugs.  Excluded from the program are the uninsured or those in publicly funded health insurance plans.

It is unsurprising that the uninsured are excluded from participation.  According to Joshua Schimmer, a biotechnology analyst, “it seems the best strategy for a pharmaceutical company is to price their drug as high as they possibly can and offer that co-pay assistance broadly.”  For example, over the past five years, Jazz Pharmaceuticals has quadrupled the price of its narcolepsy drug Xyrem, while increasing copayment assistance to a maximum $1,200 a month.  In order for the pricing system to work, pharmaceutical companies rely on consumers to choose the subsidized drug and insurers to foot the increased bill.

It is likewise unsurprising that the publicly insured are excluded, but for a very different reason; to offer subsidies to Medicare or Medicaid patients would be illegal.  Under 42 U.S.C. § 1320a-7b (1),(2), the knowing and willful offer, payment, or receipt of any remuneration in return for the purchase of any good “for which payment may be made in whole or in part under a Federal health care program” is a felony punishable by up to $25,000 or five years imprisonment.  Illegal remuneration includes “waiver of coinsurance and deductible amounts (or any part thereof)…”  (§ 1320a-7a (i)(6)).

So What’s the Big Deal?

The pharmaceutical copay cards and coupons are a big problem.  First, they circumvent the cost sharing structures established by health insurance plans, raising systemic health costs.  As the NYTimes reported:

“The member is somewhat insulated from the cost of the prescription,” said Kevin Slavik, senior director of pharmacy at the Health Care Service Corporation, which runs Blue Cross and Blue Shield plans in Illinois and three other states. “In essence, it drives up the total cost of providing the prescription benefit.”

That increased cost is passed on to the privately insured in the form of increased premiums and to the public through increased taxes.  As Eileen Wood, vice president of the Capital District Physicians’ Health Plan, told NPR in 2009:

those coupons come with a consequence. If everyone started using coupons to get the more expensive drugs, “we’d have to raise premiums,” she says. “There’s no question about that.”

Furthermore, publicly funded plans must also pay the increased price of prescription drug benefit, which is passed on to taxpayers.  Any benefit to the coupon user in the form of reduced out-of-pocket expenses is diminished by higher premiums and taxes.  In the final analysis, the only real beneficiaries of these “pharmaceutical subsidies” are the drug companies who offer them.

Moving Forward

This issue is not one that is likely to disappear.  Currently, Massachusetts is the only state that does not allow pharmaceutical coupons; it is possible that other states or the federal government will follow suit.  As for insurers, some may begin requiring patients to try generic drugs first, as Capital District Physicians’ Health Plan has, or simply drop coverage of these drugs altogether.  Either way, drug company coupons will remain a topic to watch in 2011.

60 Minutes, Glaxo’s Bad Day & Why Compliance is So Terribly Important

In case you missed it: 60 Minutes segment with whistleblower Cheryl Eckerd, a former manager of global quality assurance for GlaxoSmithKline. She describes her experience inspecting Glaxo subsidiary, Cidra, in Puerto Rico. It views like an in-house counsel’s nightmare and a PR professional’s worst day. CBS states:

“But in November, we found out just how much could go wrong at one of the world’s largest drug makers. A subsidiary of GlaxoSmithKline pleaded guilty to [a felony] distributing adulterated drugs.

“There was reason to believe that some of the medications were contaminated with bacteria, others were mislabeled, and some were too strong or not strong enough.”

Ms. Eckerd brought suit under the Federal Whistleblower Act, with the government ultimately recovering $750 million; Ms Eckerd who was “downsized” by Glaxo, received $96 million as her share of the recovery. In addition, when Ms. Eckerd made the information she had gathered about the plant in Puerto Rico available to the FDA, federal agents executed a search warrant and seized drugs worth “hundreds of millions of dollars.”

Pharmaceutical Research Expenditures and Industrial Policy

Anyone familiar with pharmaceutical industry restructuring will not be surprised by this prediction from the FT’s John Gapper for 2011:

A drugs company will drop early-stage research. Big Pharma has struggled for a decade with a dearth of potential blockbusters. Companies such as GlaxoSmithKline have restructured and slimmed down their research arms but the sector remains troubled, as the departure of Jeff Kindler, Pfizer’s former chief executive, on the grounds of “exhaustion” indicates.

The obvious course with something that is not working is to drop it. Shire Pharmaceuticals pioneered a strategy of outsourcing early-stage research to smaller companies and focusing on developing and trialling promising drugs. This will be the year when one of the industry’s biggest takes a similar tack.

Gapper seems pretty unworried about this transition, and perhaps from the standpoint of pure economic theory it makes little difference whether research is conducted in-house or purchased from other, smaller firms. But as a matter of public relations and political economy, this is a troubling development.

The Post-R&D PR and Jobs Crises

First, the pharmaceutical industry has long justified its profits by arguing that it invests in research and development. For those who favor a market-based approach to drug research, this is a vindication of laissez-faire. Rather than relying on the heavy hand of government to try to direct the research done at pharmaceutical firms, we can expect the “invisible hand” of the market to spin off solutions for everyone’s problems–from the richest to the poorest. Innovations eventually filter down from the highest-income individuals to those with fewer resources. Spending by the wealthy on health care leads to investment in research infrastructure that ultimately redounds to the benefit of all.

But to the extent that the industry spins off its research and development, shouldn’t policymakers be more concerned about the health of research firms than the continued thriving of Big Pharma? I suppose one could make the argument that big Pharma is evolving toward a Walmart or Google style of value creation via skilled intermediation. Its key role in that scenario is to identify the most promising researchers, CROs, marketers, distributors, and advertisers.

If that evolution occurs, it reminds me of another of Gapper’s predictions for 2011:

As China tries to make itself a hub for environmental [and energy] innovation, the US is retreating. Silicon Valley venture capital groups that identified green energy as a big opportunity are playing it down and turning to social media. China has the market, the cash and the science to stick with it.

In other words, Big Pharma’s moves toward becoming virtual companies, mere hubs of certifications, trademarks, tax dodges, and contractual obligations, mirror a longer-term hollowing out of the US economy. Whereas a nation like China has an industrial policy that encourages production of useful goods and full employment, US capital is migrating toward “platform plays” that merely redistribute bargaining power and information about goods and services. One can imagine all sorts of clever entrepreneurial ploys that fall out from this strategy—think Groupon for cheap pills! What remains unimaginable is how social networking leads to viable occupations for all but the most connected and tech-savvy.

Top US economic strategists used to claim that offshoring didn’t matter, as US citizens’ superior productivity, technological skills, and education would attract high-value jobs to the country. Given America’s massive failures in educational policy, we no longer hear much about the “high value” jobs that a global division of labor was supposed to deliver to us. Instead, we see ever higher unemployment and no plausible plan to keep decent jobs in the country, or to be sure that those that remain are paid decently. Andy Grove has also helpfully demonstrated the necessary connections between ongoing manufacturing capacity and research designed to make production better. As he puts it:

Startups are a wonderful thing, but they cannot by themselves increase tech employment. Equally important is what comes after that mythical moment of creation in the garage, as technology goes from prototype to mass production. This is the phase where companies scale up. They work out design details, figure out how to make things affordably, build factories, and hire people by the thousands. Scaling is hard work but necessary to make innovation matter. The scaling process is no longer happening in the U.S.

You could say, as many do, that shipping jobs overseas is no big deal because the high-value work—and much of the profits—remain in the U.S. That may well be so. But what kind of a society are we going to have if it consists of highly paid people doing high-value-added work—and masses of unemployed? . . . .

Finally, the increased outsourcing of R&D may menace existing cross-subsidization of research for neglected drugs and tropical diseases. To be sure, not much of this is going on presently; of the 1300 compounds tested for safety and effectiveness by major drug companies from 1992-2005, only 1% were directed toward diseases that predominate in the developing world. And a recent conference at BU gave me some hope that humanitarian research efforts could be distributed among small teams of researchers. Still, I worry that the ongoing shrinkage of Big Pharma will have results in the medical field similar to the gradual dissipation of Bell Labs.

Pharma as Part of a Larger Industrial Policy

Are there any solutions to be offered? The key to effective policy here is to recognize the extensive role the US government plays in the pharmaceutical industry. Epic battles over the scope of patent rights in the US are routinely fought in the US Congress. The US Supreme Court has recently opined on a number of fundamental issues in patent law in rapid succession. Legislation like the Hatch-Waxman Act prescribes a regime of protections and obligations for drug manufacturers that is extraordinarily complex, and continually contested. The FDA is involved in every step of a drug’s approval and marketing process. Medicare Part D legislation also significantly increased the US Government’s involvement in the pharmaceutical sector, providing an enormous amount of funding for spending on drugs for the elderly. International treaties like TRIPS also play a very important role in the pharmaceutical sector. In short, if there is one sector where state action is not simply a side constraint on “the market,” but rather serves to constitute it, that is the pharmaceutical sector.

Therefore, the US government needs to be much more involved in shaping both the output and the business practices of the industry to reflect national and humanitarian needs. On the humanitarian side, there are many excellent ideas in the book Incentives for Global Public Health. On the industrial policy side, perhaps there are lessons to be learned from this article on Chinese practice:

Foreign companies have been teaming up with Chinese ones for years to gain access to the giant Chinese market. Now some of the world’s biggest companies are taking a risky but potentially rewarding second step—folding pieces of their world-wide operations into partnerships with Chinese companies to do business around the globe.

Several earlier joint ventures inside China have soured over concerns that Chinese partners, after gaining access to Western technology and know-how, have gone on to become potent new rivals to their partners. “Foreign partners are seeing they will have to sometimes sacrifice or share the benefits of the global market with the Chinese partner,” says Raymond Tsang, a China-based partner at consultancy Bain & Co. “Some of the [multinational corporations] are complaining. But given the changing market conditions, if you don’t do it, your competitors will.”

To the extent that big Pharma is a truly global industry, US policymakers should be just as aggressive as Chinese ones in assuring that present private profits leave behind infrastructure that meets national needs for both quality healthcare and a balanced and highly skilled workforce. To neglect these imperatives is to declare unilateral economic disarmament vis-à-vis a competitor to which we are already massively indebted, and which has shown no qualms about taking US-developed intellectual property. If China wants certain concessions from multinationals for the good of its citizens, the US should demand no less.

Reform Rodeo

1. ProPublica details the incessant problem that medical schools face in preventing their faculty from accepting money in exchange for speaking on behalf of pharmaceutical companies. As previously noted on this blog, these conflicts of interests are in addition to those conflicts found in spinal surgery and cardiac stenting.

2. For the New England Journal of Medicine, Michael E. Porter introduces two recently published papers that explore the concept of value in health care.

3. The Commonwealth Fund provides a summary of a briefing on the ACA’s initiatives to reform primary care. A full video of the briefing (which was co-hosted with the Alliance for Health Reform), as well as a podcast of the audio, can be found here.

4. The Health Care Blog has a nice bulleted Year in Review for Health Information Technology (HIT), including topics such as the HITECH Act, E-prescribing, EHRs, and Health Information Exchanges.

5. The  New York Times discusses a new Medicare rule that will cover the costs of voluntary end-of-life treatment planning.

Seton Hall Law Online Graduate Certificate in Pharmaceutical & Medical Device Law & Compliance - Class Begins January 23, 2011

APPLY NOW!
First Class begins January 23, 2011. Submit your application now.

What is the Online Graduate Certificate in Pharmaceutical & Medical Device Law & Compliance?

The Online Graduate Certificate in Pharmaceutical & Medical Device Law & Compliance is a non-degree program designed for individuals who seek in-depth knowledge about legal, regulatory, and ethical issues related to the pharmaceutical and medical device industries.  Taught exclusively online, it offers students a targeted immersion in key substantive issues along with the practical skills necessary to research and communicate effectively about the law.  It is an intensive program geared to students who want to cover a significant amount of material in a relatively short period of time.

Who should consider enrolling in the program?

The Online Graduate Certificate is open to students who have earned a baccalaureate degree from an accredited college or university.  It is specifically designed to meet the needs of mid- to senior-level professionals in the pharmaceutical and medical device industries, but highly motivated students from other backgrounds are also welcome to apply.  It is not necessary to have prior academic or work experience in the pharmaceutical or medical device industries in order to do well in the program.

Why distance learning?

Many professionals in the pharmaceutical and medical device industries are eager to learn about the legal aspects of their professions but cannot realistically commit to spending time attending live classes on a set schedule.  Online education offers the ideal solution because students can do their coursework at any time that is convenient for them, day or night.  In addition, many students find that they enjoy the interactivity and individualized feedback available through an online educational experience.

Why study pharmaceutical and medical device law at Seton Hall School of Law?

Seton Hall Law School has specialized in health law for more than a decade, and its health law program is consistently ranked among the top ten in the nation by U.S. News & World Report.  The Law School’s health law faculty specialize in a wide range of health law topics, including healthcare organizations, nonprofit governance, healthcare financing, healthcare fraud and abuse, food and drug law, research with human subjects, genetics and the law, public health law, and bioethics.  In addition to training future lawyers, Seton Hall Law offers a Master’s of Science in Jurisprudence degree for individuals working in the health care industry, as well as an innovative compliance certification program for pharmaceutical and medical device professionals.  Seton Hall Law is also a center for scholarship and public policy development related to health care, particularly through its Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law & Policy, whose mission is to foster informed dialogue among policymakers, consumer advocates, the medical profession, and industry.

Is Seton Hall University accredited?

Seton Hall and its online programs are accredited by the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools.  Seton Hall is a member of the Sloan Asynchronous Learning Network Consortium, an association of accredited institutions offering online degree or certificate programs committed to quality distance education, and is recognized by the U.S. Department of Defense’s education network of Defense Activity for meeting military requirements for Non-Traditional Education Support (”DANTES“).

Seton Hall is fully accredited by the American Bar Association (”ABA”), although, in accordance with Standard 308 of the ABA Standards for Approval of Law Schools, the ABA does not approve any law school program other than the first degree in law (JD).  Thus, the ABA accreditation does not extend to any program offered by the Law School other than the JD degree.

APPLY NOW!
First Class begins January 23, 2011. Submit your application now.

Propublica, Pharma Payments to Physicians

Newly compiled data on payments to physicians from pharmaceutical companies has kindled mainstream media conversation on the ethics of such practices. NPR station WNYC ran this feature, showing the top physician earners in New York, and the radio piece, “Physicians on Pharma’s Payroll.” You can hear the radio piece immediately below. It is interesting in that in addition to giving  background, the piece also features interviews of physicians on the receiving end of those payments. One of those doctors describes the process of recruitment– wherein Pharma reps track doctors’ prescription records to see who is using their wares, and then approaching those doctors to see if they’d be interested in being paid presenters– or educators– depending I suppose upon your frame of reference.

Seton Hall University Interim Vice Provost, Law Professor and regular contributor to HRW, Kathleen M. Boozang, appeared in the Star Ledger regarding the ramifications of Pharma payments totaling millions of dollars to physicians in New Jersey. The article was prompted by a Pro Publica database which has compiled information from court documents detailing payments by six pharmaceutical companies to physicians, as well as the voluntary disclosure of two quarters of such payment information by Merck. The database tracks these payments for the period between January, 2009 and June 2010; it is sortable by state and amount.

Within the above named limitations, seven New Jersey doctors received more than $100,000 during the timeframe shown, from the pharmaceutical companies named.

In addition, The Ledger reports:

Overall, seven pharmaceutical companies wrote 1,215 checks totaling $8.3 million to doctors in New Jersey, the 10th highest total in the nation, according to ProPublica.

Doctors nationwide earned $258.7 million for speaking and consulting, according to information culled from court documents involving six companies and records from Whitehouse Station-based Merck, which voluntarily disclosed two quarters of payment information. And that’s just a taste of the $1.2 billion doctors earn on the speaking circuit annually, according to a 2008 article in the Journal of the American Medical Association….

Kathleen M. Boozang, law professor at Seton Hall University’s Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law and Policy, said new requirements to publicly disclose how much doctors are paid by drug companies aren’t enough to protect patients, noting many won’t look up their doctor on databases.

Boozang said while doctors may be in the best position to teach each other how to make decisions about which drugs or devices should be used, drug companies shouldn’t be paying them.

The Center last year issued a report calling for an end to “commercial support for continuing medical education,” suggesting medical schools and physician associations should take over the role of educating doctors. “We have blurred the line between promotion and education,” Boozang said. “It shouldn’t be the obligation of patients to protect themselves from conflicts of interest.”

Read the Star Ledger article, “Drug companies paid N.J. doctors millions to promote their products”

Reform Rodeo

1. Useful Tools:  The Commonwealth Fund has released a nice tool that provides a timeline of ACA, as well as a means by which to filter the provisions based on a number of criteria.

2. Misinformation: Maggie Mahar describes some of the misinformation that is coming out of the state of Texas regarding health care reform.

3. Exchange Obstacle: Timothy Jost provides a fantastic overview of the obstacles that states and federal governments will face in the process of implementing the exchanges under the ACA.

4. Preventive Care: Somewhat out of character, the Los Angeles Times runs a piece about the irrationality that has surrounded the Preventive Services Task Force and evidence-based medicine in general.

5. Pharma Initiatives: The New England Journal of Medicine provides an overview of the policy initiatives and incentive programs that govern market exclusivity of pharmaceuticals.

Shortage of Lethal Injection Drug Opportunity for Manufacturer to Do the Right Thing

Prescription drug shortages are a persistent, difficult-to-solve problem.  Things have not improved since this 2002 South Carolina Law Review article by Professor Lars Noah in which he warned of a growing number of “shortages of antibiotics, vaccines, and other medical technologies.”  In fact, the problem may have worsened in recent years.

This month, a shortage of the drug sodium thiopental has made headlines.  Indicated for a number of uses, most related to anesthesia induction, the drug is largely employed for just one off-label use: execution.  Per the New York Times, sodium thiopental’s manufacturer, Hospira, “has blamed the shortage on ‘raw-material supplier issues’ since last spring, first promising availability in July, then October, then early 2011. The company has refused to elaborate on the problem. But according to a letter obtained by The Associated Press from the Kentucky governor’s office, Hospira told state officials that it lost its sole supplier of the drug’s active ingredient and was trying to find a new one.”

In an NPR story, Richard Dieter, of the Death Penalty Information Center, explains that “[s]tates can’t just change their method of execution without either some legislation — or at least an administrative procedure - that goes before public comment . . . And so to make the change is a six-month or a year process.”  In all likelihood, the new method of execution would then be subjected to constitutional challenge.  And so a number of states have delayed executions in anticipation that the sodium thiopental shortage will ease; there are likely to be more delays in the coming months.

The AP reports that “Jonathan Groner, an Ohio State University surgeon and death penalty opponent who researches the issue, speculated the real reason for the unavailability of sodium thiopental is that its medical uses ‘have shrunk to the point that the company doesn’t want to make a drug that has no use but to kill people.’”  Hospira denies that there is any ulterior motive behind the shortage, although it has stated in the past that “‘[t]he drug is not indicated for capital punishment, and Hospira does not support its use in this procedure.’”  Regardless of the reason or reasons for the shortage, Hospira should use it as an opportunity to do the right thing and exit the market for sodium thiopental.  As Jim Edwards of the Placebo Effect blog put it, by doing so the company would “earn itself kudos from the medical community and burnish its brand as a company that helps people live, not die.”

Renewed Efforts to Reduce Industry Funding of CMEs

Last week’s Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) reported on the challenges that certain medical schools and medical centers across the country are facing as they decrease or eliminate industry funding of their continuing medical education (CME) programs.  These institutions have shown concern over the potential conflicts of interest when pharmaceutical and medical device companies fund educational programs which could bias future prescribers/customers toward their targeted products.  The adoption of industry-free CMEs could help filter out any potential marketing messages, and leave behind a balanced and evidence-based perspective.  After all, as the New York Times has reported, there are over 700 accredited CME providers in the United States and CME spending hovers around $2.5 billion per year, nearly half of which is paid by pharmaceutical and medical device companies.

Last year, three medical schools declined industry support for their CMEs: the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Medicine, Nova Southeastern University College of Osteopathic Medicine, and Touro University Nevada College of Osteopathic Medicine.  This past June, the University of Michigan Medical School (UMMS) announced an actual policy change, effective January 1, 2011, whereby the school will no longer accept industry funds, which presently comprise almost 45% of its total CME funding.  UMMS believes contributions from various departments will help offset this sizable loss, as will higher CME registration fees and “less glamorous venues.”  UMMS is the first medical school to introduce such a policy and does so noting “we should take pride in our position as a national leader on this issue.”

This is all well and good, but in light of the enormous industry contributions, the $64,000 question really becomes: “Is Industry-free CME a Sustainable Model?“  And that’s exactly what speakers and attendees asked at the June 25, 2010, PharmedOut Conference entitled “Prescription for Conflict: Should Industry Fund Continuing Medical Education.” The conference was held at Georgetown University (PharmedOut is a Georgetown University Medical Center project funded by the Attorney General Consumer and Prescriber Education grant program.  Its team of physicians and academics lecture on the physician-pharma relationship, and provide access to online and industry-free CMEs).  Dr. Robert Wittes, Physician-in-Chief at Sloan-Kettering’s Memorial Hospital for Cancer and Allied Disease (”Memorial Hospital”), told his colleagues during the Conference that:

[t]here is life in CME after you do something like this.  But you have to be willing to prioritize the activity, such as putting institutional funds toward the balance [previously covered by commercial funds] and/or charge registration fees for CME activities that involve outside physicians.

Memorial Hospital stopped accepting industry money for its CMEs in 2007.  Dr. Wittes acknowledged that “[w]e don’t have these things in hotels in mid-Manhattan anymore; we have them on our own premises.”  Yet he cautioned against any institution from completely severing ties with the industry because there are positive interactions which can result in improved products and commercial science.

For further reading, check out Seton Hall Law’s Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law & Policy’s whitepaper on “Drug and Device Promotion: Charting a Course for Policy Reform.”  The Center makes several recommendations for overhauling the CME funding mechanism.  It also points out that accountants, lawyers, and other professions pay for their continuing education programs.   Be sure to check out Michael Ricciardelli’s post on industry funding of CMEs for nurse practitioners and Kate Greenwood’s post on ACCME Standards for Commercial Support too.

Trouble Brewing for Pharmaceutical Companies

Bribery and recalls.  Federal agencies are turning up the heat on pharmaceutical companies.  Were you surprised by the eight recalls of Johnson & Johnson products this year?  Maybe you shouldn’t be.  As HealthReformWatch.com reported in We May Need More Than a Spoonful of Sugar to Help Our Medicine Go Down, drug recalls reached a record high 1,742 in 2009 — more than four times the amount in 2008.  Bowman Cox, managing editor of the Gold Sheet (which first broke the story) told CNN Money that in light of the 296 recalls issued in the first six months of 2010, there could be 600 or more recalls this year.

Why So Many Recalls?

Analysts and legislators are examining the recall statistics to find sources and solutions to the pharmaceutical safety issue.

1.   Drug repackaging

Advantage Dose, a now-defunct Shreveport, LA based drug repackager, was responsible for more than 1,000 of the 2009 recalls. Companies like Advantage Dose repackage and relabel drugs into smaller units for resale or distribution to health care facilities. After excluding Advantage Dose from the count, there still remains a 50% jump in recalls from 2008 to 2009.

2.   The generic rush

Gold Sheet’s Cox suggests that generic manufacturers cut drug design costs in their rush to be first to market after a branded-drug’s patent protection expires, decreasing quality.  “The first applicant typically gets the lion’s share of the business for the new drug… So they get the application. They make and market the drug, but they could still have problems down the road if they haven’t really understood the optimum way to make that drug.”  One example of a design failure is Caraco Pharmaceutical Laboratories’ “tablet thickness” recalls in March 2009.

3.   Manufacturing lapses

Some experts say the biggest culprits include the quality of raw materials and contamination. Approximately one month ago, HealthReformWatch.com reported in Pharmaceutical Outsourcing: Trading Quality for Lower Costs? that India’s largest pharmaceutical manufacturer had been cited several times in recent years for manufacturing violations.  Additional recalls include vaccines produced by Shantha Biotechnics for Sanofi-Aventis and injectible drugs made by Claris Lifesciences for Pfizer.  The FDA stated its intent on May 5, 2010 to “propose stronger regulation for pharmaceutical companies that outsource manufacturing, putting more responsibility on the companies to ensure the purity and safety of the products…”

4.   Increased FDA scrutiny of manufacturing facilities

Which came first, the chicken or the egg?  Increased FDA oversight may or may not have led to the increased number of recalls; however, the recalls will probably lead to increased FDA regulatory power.

As Jennifer Jascoll reported, Senator Michael F. Bennet (D-CO) proposed the Drug Safety and Accountability Act of 2010 on August 3, 2010.  According to Bennet’s press release, “[t]he bill would strengthen manufacturer quality standards, enhance the FDA’s ability to protect Americans through improved tracking of foreign manufacturing sites, and give the FDA much-needed authority to recall potentially dangerous drugs.” Currently, the FDA is empowered to issue warnings and recommend that a manufacturer issue a recall.

Two prior bills would also increase FDA powers to mandate a recall:

• The Protect Consumers Act of 2009 (sponsored by Rep. Betty Sutton, D-OH) would require the Secretary of HHS implement a recall if it is determined to be necessary.
• H.R. 6740 (sponsored by Rep. Edolphus Towns, D-NY) would provide the Secretary of HHS with the ability to mandate a recall “if the Secretary has reason to believe that the use or consumption of, or exposure to, a drug (or an ingredient or component used in any such drug) may cause serious adverse health consequences or death to humans or animals.”

According to CNN Money, the FDA has not identified any alarming pattern.  FDA spokeswoman Elaine Gansz Bobo stated, “[s]ince every recall situation is unique, it would be difficult to assess whether there are any trends or increases in recalls this year… At this time, however, we have not identified any trends.”  Despite the FDA’s lack of concern, other federal agencies are interested in the practices of pharmaceutical companies.

Further Federal Investigations

According to the N.Y.Times, federal prosecutors and securities regulators are investigating pharmaceutical companies for potential violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA).   The FCPA is an anti-bribery law which bars companies from offering foreign government officials items of value for profit.  For instance, Pfizer disclosed in April “that it paid $35m over six months to 4,500 doctors in private practice for education and the development and marketing of new drugs.”  Although this practice is legal in the U.S., such payments are illegal in many foreign countries where physicians are employed by the government.

On November 17, 2009, Assistant Attorney General Lanny A. Breuer stated that the Department of Justice intended to focus its attention on the pharmaceutical industry:

In some foreign countries and under certain circumstances, nearly every aspect of the approval, manufacture, import, export, pricing, sale and marketing of a drug product may involve a “foreign official” within the meaning of the FCPA. The depth of government involvement in foreign health systems, combined with fierce industry competition and the closed nature of many public formularies, creates, in our view, a significant risk that corrupt payments will infect the process. Our remarkable FCPA unit and our terrific health care fraud unit will be working together to investigate FCPA violations in the pharmaceutical industry in an effort to maximize our ability to effectively enforce the law in this high-risk area.

“Corrupt practices” under the FCPA are not limited to cash in envelopes.  Inappropriate payments for lavish hospitality, consulting, licensing agreements, and even charitable donations may raise red flags for government investigators.

Could bribery be contributing to decreased quality and the sudden rise in recalls?  According to the Financial Times, the DoJ is focusing its efforts elsewhere:

[T]he DoJ is particularly interested in corrupt payments that may have influenced the reliability or integrity of data in clinical trials performed outside the US. A recent report by the Department of Health and Human Services found 80 percent of marketing applications for drugs approved by the Food and Drug Administration in the US had relied on at least one foreign trial.

It appears that the DoJ’s scrutiny of clinical trials is not without merit.  The N.Y.Times reports that “[l]ast month, a federal drug official reported that he found repeated instances in a landmark clinical trial of Avandia, a controversial diabetes medicine, in which patients taking Avandia appeared to suffer serious heart problems that were not counted in the study’s crucial tally of adverse events.”  The clinical trials for Avandia included many foreign trial sites, which were submitted in support of the drugs’ application to enter and remain on the U.S. market.  GlaxoSmithKline, the trial’s sponsor, has not been accused of fraud.

According to recent regulatory filings, the following companies are under investigation for possible violations of the FCPA:

• Merck is cooperating with a federal investigation of company activities in multiple foreign nations.
• Medtronic is cooperating with investigations of company activities in Greece, Poland, Germany, Turkey, Italy, and Malaysia.
• Eli Lilly is cooperating with the investigations of subsidiaries in several countries, including Poland.
• Federal investigators are looking into improper payments related to the sale of Zimmer products abroad.
• Johnson & Johnson voluntary disclosed the possibility that company subsidiaries abroad had made improper payments to government officials in two countries relating to the sale of medical devices.
• Pfizer and Bristol-Myers Squibb have also disclosed that they are subject to federal investigations. AstraZeneca, GlaxoSmithKline, and Baxter SciClone have also received inquiries from federal enforcement agencies.

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