Lower Cost, But at What Cost?

Late last month, Essex County Mental Health Association director Bob Davison went undercover to experience the current conditions at Dover Woods, a residential psychiatric facility in Toms River, New Jersey.  His subsequent report was published in the Newark Star-Ledger.  It paints a bleak and jarring account of life within the large mental health care facility, as the state continues to remove individuals from state-run hospitals and places them in residential health care facilities like Dover Woods.

Davison spent just over 48 hours in the facility.  He reported his room was “small” - featuring cigarette burns, rips in the bed spread and sheet, and broken dressers and closets.   However, more disturbing was what Davison experienced while interacting with other residents — he was sexually propositioned by an “actively psychotic” woman, had “no heat on a chilly night,” heard individuals “actively hallucinating” and “up all night screaming,” and broke up a fight between two individuals when officials were nowhere to be found.

In addition to what he saw inside the facility, Davison was disturbed by what he saw outside of it.  Averaging 275 police calls per year, Dover Woods is located near two major state highways, and the area lacks safe sidewalks — even though residents are free to come and go as they wish.  During his stay, Davison nearly witnessed a resident get hit by a car while crossing Route 9, one of the highways near the facility, something that is apparently not uncommon.  In fact, just a week before Davison’s undercover visit to the facility, Dover Woods resident Edward Braden was struck and killed while trying to cross Route 70 at 11pm on a Monday night.

Davison’s interactions with Dover Woods officials seemed surprisingly infrequent:  when checking in, officials quizzed him about his criminal history (and took him at his word).  Further, three days after he left the facility, Dover Woods officials finally called his emergency contact in search of him.

Davison’s experience highlights the worst of the residential health care facilities for the mentally ill — which cost the state around $68,000 per year per resident (compared to $301,000 per patient per year in a state-run psychiatric hospital).  He hopes his experience will bring more attention to the residential facilities and will lead to long-term changes.  And with many states cutting funding for mental health services previously mentioned here, investigations like Davison’s that draw attention the plight of the severely mentally disordered continue to be invaluable.

Of Princes, Paupers, and Physicians

Why is US health care so expensive? We’ve long been told: “it’s the prices, stupid.” There is more confirmation here, as Ezra Klein explains why an MRI costs $1,080 in America and $280 in France:

[U]nlike in other countries, sellers of health-care services in America have considerable power to set prices, and so they set them quite high. Two of the five most profitable industries in the United States — the pharmaceuticals industry and the medical device industry — sell health care. With margins of almost 20 percent, they beat out even the financial sector for sheer profitability. The players sitting across the table from them — the health insurers — are not so profitable. In 2009, their profit margins were a mere 2.2 percent. That’s a signal that the sellers have the upper hand over the buyers.

I don’t agree that insurers are being bullied as buyers. If we’re going to bring up the financial sector, a better analogy would compare pay differentials between revenue-generating traders (providers) and the back office clerical and IT workers (insurers), rather than assume some common baseline of industrial profitability. The health care providers actually (try to) improve health; the insurers (are supposed to) support that primary effort. But overall, the story Klein tells here is broadly consistent with many other explanations of high prices in US health care.

What will solve that problem? Probably not health care reform, though regulators will struggle mightily to impose some discipline via IPAB and other entities. Followers of Clayton Christensen think pure technological innovation may wildly succeed where an oft-captured regulatory system is failing. Farhad Manjoo provides some empirical support for their hopes:

As computers get better, we’ll need fewer humans across a range of specialties. Look at mammography: One of the main ways radiologists can improve their breast diagnoses is by “double reading.” When two radiologists independently examine a collection of mammograms, the number of cancers detected increases substantially. A study published in 2008, however, found that a radiologist who uses ImageChecker can skip the second reading: A computer and a human are just as good as two humans.

[T]he doctors who are the juiciest targets for automation might not be the ones you’d expect. They’re specialists . . ., the most highly trained, highly paid people in medicine. It’s precisely these factors that make them vulnerable to machines. By definition, specialists focus on narrow slices of medicine. They spend their days worrying over a single region of the body, and the most specialized doctors will dedicate themselves to just one or two types of procedures. Robots, too, are great specialists. They excel at doing one thing repeatedly, and when they focus, they can achieve near perfection. At some point—and probably faster than we expect—they won’t need any human supervision at all.

Robots and automation are already taking on prominent roles in wars, factories, and political campaigns. The type of pattern recognition common to some medial specialties may be natural to them, particularly as electronic medical records and digitization take hold. Of course, an all purpose “physician robot” would be a much harder endeavor. In the context of a discussion of rationing, one health law textbook suggests that a mapping of possible interventions “would require rigorous scientific information on each of the almost 10,000 diagnostic entries in the International Classification of Diseases (9th ed.) (known as ‘‘ICD-9’’) and for each of the 10,000 medical interventions listed in the AMA’s Common Procedural Terminology (known as ‘‘CPT’’ codes).” ICD-10 has about 7 times more codes than ICD-9. But just as chess was once considered a field impenetrable to artificial intelligence, and now has been mastered by some computers, so too might medicine itself become subject to the exponential growth in information processing characteristic of mature digitized industries. It’s becoming clear that “the variety of jobs that computers can do is multiplying as programmers teach them to deal with tone and linguistic ambiguity.”

So will technology save us from ever-increasing health care costs? I’m not optimistic, because politics and economics are a constraint on all these developments. The same patterns of patronage and tribute that make comparative effectiveness research such a hard sell in the US may well restrain technology adoption. Just as specialists dominate the RUC, they can probably find ways to slow the adoption of technological substitutes for their hard-won expertise. As Umair Haque has observed, “In a neofeudal polity, patronage replaces meritocracy. ‘Success’ for an organization, coalition, or person is to become a client of a powerful patron, pledging your services (soft and hard, informal and formal), in perpetual alignment with the patron’s interests.” We’ll see many physicians in coming years invest time and effort in technological innovation, and others devoted to deterring its spread in order to protect current income streams.

At this point, you’re probably expecting me to side decisively with the technologists as heroes. But I can’t do so. I don’t buy an economic model premised on incentivizing innovation by setting off a race among radiologists (or, more realistically, financiers) to be the first to patent the machine that can replace all the other radiologists. Rather, I think the real foundation for radically productive innovation in this and other fields is a baseline of social support and commitment to retraining for professionals who could be displaced by the technology. I’m not saying, “pay radiologists what they make now, forever.” Rather, I’m trying to articulate a variant of a “guaranteed basic income” argument for those who invest heavily in learning about science, technology, and medicine. This baseline of educated users, improvers, and evangelizers of technology is the foundation of any venturesome economy. As Amar Bhide has explained,

[T]he different forms of innovation interact in complicated ways, and it is these interconnected, multilevel advances that create economic value. . . . To state the proposition in the terminology of cyberspace, innovations that sustain modern prosperity have a variety of forms and are developed and used through a massively multiplayer, multilevel, and multiperiod game.

We may well find that in decades to come, machines can do the jobs of radiologists and pathologists much better than people can. But if that transition occurs, it’s important to recognize how much current specialists invested to attain their skills, how hard they presently work to maintain a high level of medical skill in this country, and how future innovations may well dry up if people feel that those on STEM career paths are utterly vulnerable to being “kicked to the curb” once a machine does their job slightly better. Not only is “sole inventorship” a myth; we often fail to appreciate the complex educational and service apparatus necessary for innovation to take place. As Alperovitz and Daly have shown, any system that grants 93% of its gains to 1% of the people is an ongoing instruction in the economic futility of the efforts of the vast majority of its citizens.

AT&T and Intuitive Health Team Up to Bring Down Health Costs and Reduce Hospital Readmissions

Hospital readmissions for chronic diseases such as asthma, congestive heart failure and diabetes are said to have been estimated to account for over 80% of hospital inpatient stays. In an effort to reduce these admits and consequently lower healthcare costs, AT&T and Intuitive Health have collaborated to pilot a home-based remote patient monitoring solution which would allow patients to spend more time at home and engage in their own care rather than with healthcare providers at medical facilities. Through wireless connectivity provided for by AT&T, the system works to send data from the patients’ unobtrusive personal health device, to a secure software platform integrated to the health ecosystem through Intuitive Health’s technology–emphasis placed on the confidential nature of the transmission of patient’s personal information.

“Innovation is desperately needed outside the four walls of the hospital,” said Eric Rock, CEO and Founder of Intuitive Health. “In order to increase our nation’s quality of care and gain control of our healthcare spending, patients of all ages and technical ability must be given intuitive tools to improve their own health, while remaining engaged and monitored by their caregivers remotely.”

In the April 2010 Position Paper on “Technologies for Remote Patient Monitoring in Older Adults” by the Center for Technology and Aging, it was hypothesized that the U.S. health care system could reduce costs by nearly $200 billion within the next 25 years if remote monitoring tools are utilized for chronic diseases. To be sure, figures are not easily discernible; the amount and types of people who choose to utilize such treatment cannot be easily predicted.

The collaboration between AT&T and Intuitive Health is not the first of its kind; and with the increasing popularity of Smartphones, it is reasonable to anticipate that mobile technology will play a role in rise of the use of remote patient monitoring services. It is, perhaps, however, worthwhile to reconsider Michael Ricciardelli’s related post written three years ago, as a way to evaluate the role technology has and may continued to play in areas of health reform.

An Uncertain Future for ICD-10

On February 14, 2012, Marilyn Tavenner, the acting Administrator of CMS, told reporters that CMS will “re-examine the timeframe” of the planned conversion to the ICD-10 code standard.  Presently, covered entities under HIPAA must fully convert from the ICD-9 coding system to ICD-10 by October 1, 2013.

ICD-10, which stands for the International Classification of Diseases, 10^th Revision, is a coding system that providers use for billing purposes and medical researchers also use for statistical analysis.  ICD-10 consists of 68,000 codes that will expand upon the 13,000 codes currently being used with ICD-9. The codes, each representing a separate medical service or diagnosis, are used by providers and hospitals when they submit their bills to the insurer. The providers receive payment for their services based upon the codes and the terms of their reimbursement agreement. From these codes, medical researchers are able to evaluate kind and frequency of care; with more than five times as many descriptive codes in the new system, many researchers and evidence based medicine proponents are said to look forward to the far greater depth of analysis the new coding system will offer. The United States already lags behind many countries in ICD-10 implementation and it is said that this compliance extension will widen the gap even further.

Two days after Ms. Tavenner’s announcement, HHS issued a news release stating that “HHS will initiate a process to postpone the date by which certain health care entities have to comply with ICD-10.” Kathleen G.  Sebelius, the Secretary of HHS, states in the news release that “we have heard from many in the provider community who have concerns about the administrative burdens they face in the years ahead. We are committing to work with the provider community to reexamine the pace at which HHS and the nation implement these important improvements to our health care system.”

HHS’s news release leaves a lot of questions unanswered. There is no hint at which “certain health care entities” will be granted an extension for compliance and how far off the new deadline will be. HHS claims they will “initiate a process,” which leads many to believe a formal rule making process with public comments will occur. This process could possibly take years to complete, which undoubtedly has caused a giant sigh of relief for providers and institutions across the country that feel ill-prepared for the 2013 deadline. Analysts at Health Care IT News estimate that the deadline could be pushed off a year or two if there is a formal rule-making process.

As the news of Ms. Tavenner’s announcement spread, members of the industry sent out messages cautioning that a complete overhaul of the current plan is unlikely.  Ms. Tavenner’s announcement, which happened at the American Medical Association (AMA) Advocacy Conference in Washington, D.C., was fittingly met with applause by AMA members. The AMA has publicly and vehemently opposed the current October 1, 2013 deadline.  In a January 17, 2012 letter addressed to Speaker of the House John A. Boehner, the Executive Vice President and CEO of the AMA James L. Madara M.D. pleaded with Speaker Boehner to stop the implementation of ICD-10. In the letter, Dr. Madara argues that the conversion “will create significant burdens on the practice of medicine with no direct benefit to individual patient care, and will compete with other costly transitions associated with quality and health IT reporting programs.” Of course, Dr. Madara is referring to the task of implementing an electronic health records (EHR) system in accordance with CMS’s meaningful use criteria, which entitles a covered entity to receive incentive payments from CMS. Dr. Madara also cites to what he deems to be the competing tasks of dealing with financial penalties for non-participation in Medicare programs, including e-prescribing and the Physician Quality Reporting System.

ICD-10 opponents also cite to the industry’s recent failure to comply with the January 1, 2012 deadline to comply with the transition to Version 5010, a HIPAA electronic transactions upgrade that is necessary to support ICD-10, as evidence that the industry is not ready for the ICD-10 change. In November 2011, CMS gave in to industry pressures to extend the 5010 compliance deadline an additional ninety days. It is undeniable that providers are already subject to tremendous demands under HIPAA and the HITECH Act, on top of Medicare cuts, which are placing significant financial stress and compliance burdens on the industry. It is not surprising that ICD-10 has met a lot of resistance from providers. However, it is no secret that providers and institutions are consistently successful lobbyists for their concerns and beliefs and it remains to be seen how CMS will proceed with the scheduled ICD-10 implementation and what compromises will be made.

Proponents of the ICD-10 system argue that the new coding system will create significant positive changes in the industry because it will help collect important data that will improve the quality of patient care, decrease costs, and collect statistics for medical research.  CMS and the Center for Disease Control and Prevention believe that the new codes will create more accurate and exact descriptions of diagnoses and inpatient procedures, which will improve efforts to track care, detect emerging health issues and improve quality. A report from Deloitte, a consulting firm, reported that the increased size and scope of the ICD-10 codes is expected to provide potential benefits in cost and quality measurement, public health, research, and organizational monitoring and performance measurement.  Whether a provider supports the change or not, Deloitte echoes the sentiment of many that advance planning is essential. Providers and institutions that have already invested time and money into the ICD-10 implementation are frustrated and upset by CMS’s decision to “reexamine” the current compliance deadline.  After all, no provider wants to see its large investment in the ICD-10 system put to waste.

The fact is that no one, perhaps even CMS and HHS, is certain about the date of the future ICD-10 implementation plan so perhaps the smartest choice for providers is to proceed with steps to continue the ICD-10 implementation. Considering the prospect of the financial disincentives attached with non-compliance, it seems like a risky choice for any provider to sit around and wait and see what may happen, especially when the ICD-10 implementation cannot happen overnight.  There are providers that started the ICD-10 conversion process back in 2009 when it was first introduced and they still have not completed the task. Unfortunately for providers, the ICD-10 conversion requires time, manpower, training, testing with payers, and significant technological changes that will carry high administrative and financial costs.  The Medical Group Management Association (MGMA), which opposes the ICD-10 implementation, estimates that it will cost a ten doctor practice more than $285,000 to convert to ICD-10, with software upgrades accounting for only $15,000 of that amount. According to the MGMA, the bulk amount would be for increases in claims queries, reductions in cash flow, and increased documentation time.  What it comes down to is that if a provider wants to be paid for its services, noncompliance with ICD-10 is not an option. The risk for successful claims processing and receiving payments in a timely fashion is present, but adequate preparation and testing well before the compliance deadline is the best way to combat this significant risk.

One thing is certain - until HHS releases a new rule and schedule for ICD-10 implementation, opponents will continue to argue that the costs to adopt the new system are too high, the task too onerous, and the rewards too speculative to justify such an undertaking.  Unless the industry comes together to find a solution for an easy transition, this could be a bumpy road until the ICD-10 transition is complete.

The Hippocratic Math

Medicare Payment, a System in Need of Fixing

[Ed. Note: We are pleased to welcome Andy Braver, Esq. back to Health Reform Watch. Andy is a health care attorney who recently completed an LL.M in Health Law at Seton Hall Law. Prior to entering the LL.M. program, Andy spent five years as a healthcare provider, running a state of the art medical diagnostic imaging center.  During that time, he dealt with many important health law issues faces by providers today, including Fraud and Abuse, Medicare and Medicaid licensing and reimbursement, state and private accreditation organizations, private payers, electronic health records, and HIPAA and other privacy issues, to name just a few.]

Medicare’s fee for service payment system has many problems that need fixing.  While recent studies have predicted that Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs) may very well achieve better care and lower costs, any savings generated as a result of these new groups of providers will be just a drop in the bucket solution to a vast problem.

Medicare was projected to spend over $500 billion on patient care in 2010.  Notwithstanding the fact that the White House Office of Management and Budget believes $36 billion of the Medicare and Medicare Advantage payments made in 2009 were improper.

The problem is, there is no distinction made for the provision of quality medical care.  Conversely, there is no check in the system to make sure that the care provided is inadequate.  If you provide the service, you get paid.

I realize that in many areas of medicine, it is difficult or even impossible to create a system to accurately and impartially judge the adequacy of care provided.  How in fact do you measure the ‘quality’ of healthcare?  Do you look at the structure of an entity, its organization and ability to provide what is generally regarded as good care?  Or do you look at the actual process or provision care, measuring relative malpractice claims among other objective factors?  Many believe that better outcomes suggest better care.  While I do not believe that outcome or evidence based medicine is the answer to every problem, it certainly can be a solution to some of these challenges.

There are differences in the Medicare program based on geography, and local coverage determinations and reimbursement rates, whether using the PPS or RVU systems (Part A & B), vary greatly across the country.  That part of the system makes sense by taking into account cost of living, cost of employment, property costs, and local tax rates.

In my mind, however, these processes fail because they do not further take into account advances in technology, or reward investment in the future.  For example, Medicare pays the same amount of money for an MRI exam regardless of the type of machine that was used to take the picture, and without a thought given to the type of storage system employed by the medical provider.  Imagine a facility with a two decade old system, state licensed and able to take pictures, with a machine equivalent to the first generation digital camera I owned 15 years ago, and printed pictures that are stored in a file room.  Then imagine a state of the art facility with an HD camera taking high resolution digital pictures, stored in an electronic file system, in a format that is able to be sent electronically to specialists all around the country (or world), and accessed by the patient quickly and securely on the internet.  Are those two pictures worth the same to Medicare?  There certainly is increased value to the patient in the ‘new’ system.  Better picture quality undoubtedly leads to better diagnostic capability (better medicine), and fewer picture redos over time; long-term storage and record portability is certainly going to lower future treatment costs if the issue is a chronic one.  HITECH and the new EHR incentive programs recognize the importance of electronic medical records, but it remains to be seen how those requirements will affect licensing and reimbursement rates.  Will there be a license ranking and a tiered payment system based on perceived quality or outcome?

I certainly hope that payments are tiered when advanced technology is used, but not according to self-assessment rankings and quality benchmarks.  I would argue that medicine is the one area where any kind of ranking and result (or outcome) based assessment is virtually impossible.   People are not cars, and JD Power cannot provide meaningful answers when it comes to medicine; there is no way to objectively determine a specific course of treatment for a particular patient is better at one hospital versus another.  No two patients are the same, though it is entirely possible they might both drive the same car.  Determining quality in healthcare is exceedingly difficult.  Patient bases are different, whether because of socio-economic reasons, or geography.  So do you then look to the education of the physician to determine quality?  We don’t do the same for lawyers?  Or do we?  Do you look at healthcare structure (how an entity is organized, its equipment, etc…) to determine quality?  Or process (the # of lawsuits against it, for example)?  Better outcomes alone do not mean better healthcare, and none of these items taken alone should affect licensing of healthcare providers.  In the end, this highlights the fact that designing a system that is fair and without major flaws may never be possible with so much money in the system and with so many parties having opposed interests. But that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t try to fix the expensive and broken (the status quo is unsustainable), it just means that attainable reform could very well mean significantly less unfairness and less major flaws. Because ultimately, in this context, the perfect may be the enemy of the good.

The Needle (Exchange) and the Damage Done

As those nationwide prepared for their holiday gift exchange, American lawmakers inexplicably put an end to a different type of exchange:  a life-saving and successful public health tool called needle exchange.

House Republicans fought for, and won, a ban on federal funding for needle exchange programs in a massive spending bill passed in December that will fund the federal government until the fall of 2012.  The ban prevents the federal government from spending money funding needle exchange programs not only in the United States, but also restricts the State Department from funding syringe programs internationally.  Providing federal funding to such programs had been banned from 1988 to 2009, until finally the ban was ended after the election of Barack Obama.  Now it’s back.

These programs focus on high drug-use neighborhoods, providing free clean needles to intravenous drug users in an effort to prevent the spread of blood-borne diseases, including HIV/AIDS.  They are often accompanied by HIV counseling and testing, and typically also provide referrals to drug users for treatment.  After much debate about their effectiveness, data have shown that the programs drastically reduce infection rates and do not increase illegal drug use.  Further, the programs, which currently exist in 33 states, are widely supported by the scientific and public health community, from the CDC to the AMA to the National Academy of Sciences.  When the Washington, D.C. Department of Health looked at the efficaciousness of its needle exchange programs, 800,000 needles had been exchanged, 5000 HIV tests had been offered, and 900 people had been referred to drug treatment.  Unsurprisingly, the number of new HIV/AIDS infections dropped 60 percent in Washington, a city devastated by the HIV/AIDS epidemic.  In New York, the numbers of intravenous drug users with HIV have dropped from 50 percent in the 1980s to 16 percent today, following the implementation of a needle exchange program.

Not only do they make scientific sense, but they also make fiscal sense:  needle exchange programs reduce health spending in the long run.  According to a 2002 report by the Institute of Medicine, needle exchange programs save between $3,000 and $50,000 for each infection prevented.

But the news was not all baffling over the holidays.  In New Jersey, state lawmakers approved a bill allowing pharmacists to sell needles and syringes without a prescription, and it now awaits Governor Chris Christie’s signature.  Although previously against needle exchanges, Christie has said he has an open mind and will carefully review the bill.  And unsurprisingly, according to the New Jersey State Health Department, more than 40 percent of the state’s HIV or AIDS cases were a result of intravenous drug users’ use of contaminated needles.

When it comes to such common sense policy that is effective in reducing new infections, provides support and outreach to those struggling with addiction, is supported by data and the scientific community, and provides smart savings on health care costs in the long run, the ban on such a policy is not only confounding and irresponsible, but dangerous to us all.

Sources:

Clean Needles in New Jersey, N.Y. Times Editorial, Dec. 14, 2011, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/15/opinion/clean-needles-in-new-jersey.html?_r=1 (last accessed Jan. 3, 2012).

Emily Badger, Feds Poke Hole in Needle Exchange Funding, Miller-McCune, Dec. 20, 2011, available at http://www.miller-mccune.com/health/feds-poke-hole-in-needle-exchange-funding-38518/ (last accessed Jan. 3, 2012).

Kristen Gwynne, Risking Lives:  In 2012 Spending Deal, House GOP Slaps Ban on Federally Funded Syringe Exchange Programs, AlterNet, Dec. 16, 2011, available at http://www.alternet.org/newsandviews/article/749233/risking_lives%3A_in_2012_spending_deal,_house_gop_slaps_ban_on_federally_funded_syringe_exchange_programs/ (last accessed Jan. 3, 2012).

N.J. Lawmakers Approve Sales of Needles, Action News, Dec. 5, 2011, available at http://abclocal.go.com/wpvi/story?section=news/local&id=8455789 (last accessed Jan. 3, 2012).

Sarah Barr, Needle-Exchange Programs Face New Federal Funding Ban, Kaiser Health News, Dec. 21, 2011, available at http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/Stories/2011/December/21/needle-exchange-federal-funding.aspx (last accessed Jan. 3, 2012).

Of provident kidney stones, health insurance and a CT Scan that may have saved my life

As we bid farewell to 2011 while ushering in the new year, some thoughts about health care — my own — emerge. I underwent major surgery this last year, having had roughly 15% of one kidney–or, more precisely, the cancerous portion of one kidney– removed. I chose to blog about the experience, chronicling the process from the onset, back when the tumor was initially thought to be a kidney stone or a cyst. But found early, it was small, they say they got it all and that it had not spread. I was lucky. A relatively rare form of the disease (roughly 50,000 cases per year), the survival rate for kidney cancer is not great because it is largely asymptomatic and is not generally tested without a family history for such.  Often, by the time someone wanders into a doctor’s office with complaints of an aching lower back or bloody urine, the tumor has grown to the size of a baseball, the cancer has spread, and the prognosis is not optimum. My tumor was found, as is so often the case, “incidentally” as they were looking at something else.

And that something else has me thinking; without it I’d be walking around with a ticking time bomb firmly ensconced and concealed in my kidney.  Which brings me to July of this past year when I awoke torn by excruciating pain from what I was to later discover were two kidney stones. Wave after wave of fortunate pain brought me to the emergency room. A CT scan discovered the stones–and something else– that ultimately turned out to be that cancerous tumor approximately 2.2 cm, lying in wait.

And there’s the rub. I had health insurance. Without health insurance I might have still gone to the hospital–the pain was immense– but I would have refused the CT scan.  I know of what I speak. A lack of health insurance is a state of affairs and a mindset that is distinctly different from that of having health insurance: as one deprives Peter to pay Paul “home medicine” takes on new meaning. And if forced to see a doctor, one minds the bottom line always ready to refuse treatment, especially avoiding diagnostic tests such as x-rays, CT scans and MRIs as they are the well traveled road to poverty if not bankruptcy.

And there it is. Without health insurance I would have refused the CT scan which may well have saved my life.

Instead, I ultimately had one of the nation’s top surgeons (the brilliant Dr. Paul Russo, most recently described by Maureen Dowd in the NY Times as “exuberantly blunt”) at Sloan-Kettering pluck the ticking time bomb from my body, while saving the affected kidney and me.

In the hands of a less skilled surgeon, my entire kidney may have been removed (it’s easier), and even if alive I’d have spent the rest of my life at a  increased risk for hospitalizing events from chronic  kidney disease, heart disease, and even hip fractures. The bill for my stay and surgery was roughly $27,000; my co-pay merely double digits (thank you Cigna).

And as I sit here reflecting on my good fortune and the providence of kidney stones timely sent, I cannot help but think of all those men and women across America without health insurance (or with junk insurance) who are left to face this coming year with health issues and hard economic choices each day–choices which will lead many to practice “home medicine” when faced with excruciating pain and the hidden harbingers of disease. Choices which will leave prescriptions unfilled. Choices which will lead many to refuse that costly x-ray, CT scan or MRI which might have saved their lives.

There but for the Grace of God–and a job with good health insurance.

And that’s not hyperbole: it’s a new year; it’s estimated that 45,000 people in America will die in it due to lack of health insurance.

Secret Prices: Free Market Triumph or Tragedy?

Can a market work when buyers are kept in the dark about the prices they’ll pay? That’s an increasingly urgent question for fans of consumer directed health care. In vogue during the administration of Bush fils, CDHC is reemerging as Obamacare’s opponents seek a standard to rally around (other than “laissez mourir“). In theory, consumers could force doctors and hospitals to compete by shopping around for services. But when the rubber hits the road, informed consumption is easier said than done, as Josh Barro describes:

Recently, my employer switched to a high-deductible health insurance plan, which means I’m paying at the margin for most of my health care. As a result, I have become more aware of the true cost of the care I receive—and more aware of how difficult it is to figure out that cost. . . . if you ask doctors how much a service costs, they tend not to know. I once had an argument with my doctor, who did not want to give me a blood test for fear that my insurer would deny the claim for the expensive test. I later found out that this test costs all of $9.48 at my insurer’s negotiated rates, despite a list price of $169. When I got orthotics, my podiatrist told me they would cost nearly $600. But that was the list price; the actual insured price was less than $250. . . .

It doesn’t have to be this way. We could legally obligate hospitals and medical practices to disclose their full price lists—both the inflated list prices and the rates negotiated with each insurer that the practice accepts.

A commenter on Barro’s blog retorts:

I’m a little surprised to see a blogger at the [National Review Online] suggest that the government “require” price disclosure from private market participants. This goes well beyond the market interference that some other odious “mandates” require. Why don’t we mandate that everyone disclose exactly what they pay each employee? . . . If you have an HSA or High-deductible policy, I would suggest it’s incumbent on the insurance provider to help you figure it out. If consumers want it enough the system should respond, right? Why not switch to an HDP that is more transparent?

The problem, of course, is that lots of parties have to agree to provide transparency, and there is a great deal of inertia. If all the other insurers aren’t transparent, there’s little reason for one of them to try to distinguish itself if it already has a steady customer base. And when it stirs itself to do so, it will find a wall of resistance from providers, who say “why should we give all this information to you—no one else is demanding it?” (Moreover, the “prices” don’t really exist except on paper on a “chargemaster,” and they’re practically meaningless (except as opportunities to gouge the unlucky). The real price is the negotiated price, and that’s generated out of iterative interactions.) Moreover, many interventions involve multiple providers, as a reader of Andrew Sullivan’s blog explains:
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Dr. Donald M. Berwick, Formerly of CMS: an Exit Interview Worth Considering

It is received wisdom amongst Human Resource professionals that the exit interview–that which is had when an employee is departing –is an invaluable tool in understanding and improving an organization.

That said, Dr. Donald Berwick has left the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, after 17 months of serving as its head.

His parting assessment?

According to the New York Times Dr. Berwick says

that 20 percent to 30 percent of health spending is “waste” that yields no benefit to patients, and that some of the needless spending is a result of onerous, archaic regulations enforced by his agency.

The official, Dr. Donald M. Berwick, listed five reasons for what he described as the “extremely high level of waste.” They are overtreatment of patients, the failure to coordinate care, the administrative complexity of the health care system, burdensome rules and fraud.

“Much is done that does not help patients at all,” Dr. Berwick said, “and many physicians know it.”

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 2009 we spent $2.4863 trillion on health care.

I’m going to write that out because as I’ve long maintained, most people (myself included) have difficulty understanding what a billion dollars is (ten, one hundred millions, or a thousand million), no less a trillion (ten, one hundred billions or a thousand billions )–nor 2.4863 of them.

That’s

$2,486,300,000,000.

Let’s just think conservatively for the moment and suppose, hypothetically, that contrary to all that Human Resources talk about frankness in departure, Dr. Berwick was disgruntled and doubled his numbers:

So instead of 20 to 30% waste we’re looking at 10 or 15%

10% = $248.63 billion or $248,630,000,000  in waste.

15% = 372.945 billion or $372,945,000,000 in waste.

And if he’s approximately right? If somewhere between “20 percent to 30 percent of health spending is ‘waste’ that yields no benefit to patients”

25% = $621.575 billion or $621,575,000,000 in waste.

Some context is in order. What can you do with a wasted (10%) 248 or (25%) 621 billion dollars?  This below, is from the Congressional Budget Office. The 2009 numbers are actual, the rest of the years are outlay projections– in billions. And no, that’s not a typo– Social Security cost $678 billion, Medicaid $251 billion.

Recent Comparative Studies of Health Systems

As America continues to wrestle with the thorny thicket of health care reform, there are a number of recent reports chronicling and comparing approaches to health care and health reform in different countries that are worth a read.  For example:

• The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development recently released Health at a Glance 2011: OECD Indicators, which provides “comparable data on different aspects of the performance of health systems in OECD countries.” The U.S. spends 2 ½ times more than the OECD average health expenditure per capita (which amounted to 17.4% of GDP in 2009). (OECD explores why in a separate addendum, “Why is Health Spending in the United States So High”.) Yet, with the exception of cancer care and acute care in hospitals, it is not clear Americans are getting improved quality for the greater expenditures. As reported by CQ HealthBeat and by the Commonwealth Fund, “hospital services cost much more in the United States and pharmaceutical prices are much higher compared to other countries;” “there are fewer practicing physicians per 1,000 population, fewer doctor consultations and shorter hospital stays;” “more CT scans, knee replacements, and Caesarean sections;” and “comparatively high hospital admission rates for preventable conditions like asthma, diabetes and hypertension.”

• Strengthening Primary Care: Recent Reforms and Achievements in Australia, England, and the Netherlands, a recent report by Sharon Willcox, Geraint Lewis, and Jako Burgers of the Commonwealth Fund, evaluates efforts to improve access to, and the quality of, primary care in these countries– and suggests what the U.S. can learn from these initiatives. These countries have been focusing on three primary care reform strategies: promoting coordination of care, reforming primary care payment, and improving quality and access. As the abstract summarizes, “[q]uality improvement strategies include postgraduate training programs for family physicians, accreditation of general practitioner (GP) practices, and efforts to modify professional behaviors–for example, through clinical guideline development. Strategies for improving access include national performance targets, greater use of practice nurses, assured after-hours care, and medical advice telephone lines. All three countries have established midlevel primary care organizations both to coordinate primary care health services and to serve other functions, such as purchasing and population health planning. Better coordination of primary health care services is also the objective driving the use of patient enrollment in a single general practice. Payment reform is also a key element of English and Australian reforms, with both countries having introduced payment-for-quality initiatives. Dutch payment reform has stressed financial incentives for better management of chronic disease.”

• Bradford H. Gray, Thomas Bowden, Ib Johansen, and Sabine Koch, also of the Commonwealth Fund, review the extent of adoption of “meaningful use” (as defined in federal regulations) in three countries with extensive experience with electronic health records, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in Electronic Health Records: An International Perspective on “Meaningful Use.” Although these European countries have high levels of EHR adoption, they have not reached 100% meaningful use, with the greatest weakness being in information provided to patients. The authors suggest that the U.S. could learn from these experiences the value of “providing economic incentives to encourage adoption and designating an organization to take responsibility for standardization and interoperability.”

• International Profiles of Health Care Systems: Australia, Canada, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United States, edited by Sarah Thomson, Robin Osborn, David Squires, and Sarah Jane Reed and published by the Commonwealth Fund, provides an overview of the health systems in these countries– including “health insurance, public and private financing, health system organization, quality of care, health disparities, efficiency and integration, use of health information technology, use of evidence-based practice, cost containment, and recent reforms and innovations.”

• The Commonwealth Fund also recently released results of an international study of patients with complex care needs in eleven countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the U.S. Although it identified significant care coordination issues, it found that “patients who have a medical home reported better coordination of care, fewer medical errors, and greater satisfaction with care than those without one.” In addition, the study also found “that patients in the United States are much more likely than those in 10 other high-income countries to forgo needed care because of costs and to struggle with medical debt.” 27% “were unable to pay or encountered serious problems paying medical bills in the past year, compared with between 1 percent and 14 percent of adults in the other countries,” and 42% did not see a doctor, fill a prescription, or receive recommended care. The authors conclude that “[t]he United States in particular has opportunities to learn from abroad-including the use of purchasing power to lower prices, payment innovations, and the use of information systems and care system redesign efforts that are under way in several countries.”

Of course, there are a variety of reasons the experiences in other countries may not take root in the United States.  But we still should be aware of these efforts and critically evaluate whether we might transplant any of them as seeds of reform here.

Investing in Time Banks: More than Just Feel-Good Potential

What distinguishes the time bank concept from established volunteer service organizations? Not much, really, since time banks — over 300 total in existence within 23 countries– allow individuals to join and indicate what service they would like to provide: ranging from home repairs, child care, visiting the incapacitated, and accompanying patients to the doctor. Anti-poverty activist Edgar Cahn, is often viewed as somewhat of a time bank pioneer; he wrote about the concept early, and has attributed the rise in time banks to the cuts in social programs during the Reagan years. The currency of time banks is, not surprisingly, measured in hours rather than dollars, and members may accumulate credits and use them on those services offered by other time bank members. The barter/exchange system is seemingly win-win, since individuals are able to provide services they feel comfortable providing, and may receive like-time in services they want. With time banks, all work is equally valued– as such, it is said to be deemed non-taxable barter.

While the social benefits and altruistic aspects of time banks can be clearly inferred, the health payoffs may not be as explicitly recognizable but are seemingly also present– perhaps evidenced by just how many time banks are sponsored by healthcare providers. According to the New York Times, “The largest one in New York City is the Visiting Nurse Service of New York Community Connections TimeBank.” Also according to the Times:

Elderplan, a New York health insurance company, also runs a time bank for members.   Hospitals such as the Lehigh Valley Health Network, based in Allentown, Pa., run time banks.  In Britain, even private medical practices have established time banks.  At Rushey Green Group Practice in London, Dr. Richard Byng was convinced that what many of his patients needed wasn’t medication, but friends, social connections and a way to feel useful and valued.  Now doctors there routinely prescribe that patients join the Rushey Green Time Bank.

Importantly, time banks often provide simple practical aid that may not be directly medical-related and might not be covered by Medicaid or Medicare: an elderly woman, for instance,  who was just released from the hospital but is still too frail to purchase her own groceries or get to a follow-up appointment receives these services. These not directly medical challenges, if not navigated, can easily land such patients right back in the hospital. Importantly, re-hospitalizations are monetarily disincentivized through Medicare and Medicaid. As such, hospitals are seemingly incentivized to facilitate such simple ancillary care which can decrease the recurrence of re-hospitalizations and the lack of reimbursement for repeat hospital stays. Time banks may be one way to offer those solutions for many.

Time banks have been shown to make people feel better and improve members’ health– in particular, they have shown benefit for those with  low-incomes and living alone. They are also, at least anecdotally, economically beneficial; but in order for more health care organizations and providers to actually invest in time banking efforts, quantitative data showing proven cuts in the cost of health care resulting from time bank initiatives is seemingly needed. But there is some. A briefing published by the New Economics Foundation (NEF) provided the following:

• Volunteer Caregiving in Richmond, Virginia, where asthmatics are enrolled in a telephone time bank and befriend other asthmatics: the experiment cut the cost of treating those involved by 73 per cent — a total of $80,000 saved in the first year of the asthma program, rising to $137,500 in the second year.

The Times also reports that

A study published by the Transportation Research Board, an organization funded largely by state and federal transportation agencies, found that providing rides to non-emergency medical appointments was cost effective for every condition studied - especially for asthma, pre-natal care, heart disease and diabetes.  Regular visits from neighbors can also catch early signs of serious problems.  One time bank, for example, asked people who worked with diabetics to pay special attention to early signs of glaucoma.

UK studies provide more evidence. In Britain, the Nu Social Health Organization (NUSHO) found a cost savings of £250,000 within its first year. An economic model by the London School of Economics (LSE) concluded that the cost of each time bank member would average £450 per year, but the economic value of each member’s contributions would exceed £1,300.

The relative lack of published quantitative evidence on the projected savings that time banks will create may have something to do with them not being yet widespread. But with the urgency our nation faces to cut health care costs, there is, seemingly, great potential in time banks. But as the Times writer noted, the evaluations of time banking perhaps need to focus more on monetary value outcomes so that the case for the economic impact of time banks can be more convincingly made.  With this kind of information, if available, perhaps a push can be made and the potential of time banks can be effectuated.

Rising Health Insurance Premiums: Don’t Let Yourself Be Spinned

It’s not surprising that opponents of health reform are capitalizing on the rather surprising findings of the Kaiser Family Foundation’s Employer Health Benefits 2011 Annual Survey that the average annual premiums for employer-sponsored health insurance increased 8 percent for single coverage and 9 percent for family coverage from 2010.   These numbers don’t sound good.

But analysis by Jon Gabel, Senior Fellow at NORC at the University of Chicago, Roland McDevitt, Director of Health Research at Towers Watson, and Ryan Lore, Senior Associate at Towers Watson, which is summarized on the Commonwealth Fund Blog and will be detailed more fully in a forthcoming issue brief, shows that the vast majority of premium increases are not tied to health reform, and those that are relate to improved coverage.  As the authors summarize:

[Our analysis] attributes only 1.8 percentage points of the 8 percent to 9 percent rise in premiums to the insurance reforms. Moreover, this marginal increase as a result of the reforms also means that families have better coverage that protects them from catastrophic health care costs as well as lower out-of-pocket costs for preventive services like colonoscopies and mammograms. It’s logical that improvements in the quality of the product would increase the cost of premiums and lower out-of-pocket costs to some degree.

This is not to minimize the impact of these increases.  Any increase in premiums, especially in a challenging economy, warrants scrutiny.  But rather than rush to judgment on data taken out of context by spinsters with a political agenda, we must continue to carefully consider the full panoply of facts and how they interrelate.  While some premium increases in the group markets seem to be linked to health reform, are the benefits worth the costs?

For example, the study estimates that expanding coverage for adult children accounts for 0.9 percent of the premium increases and affects 91 percent of group policyholders; banning limits on lifetime maximum benefits is responsible for 0.5 percent in premium increases and impacts 53 percent of group policyholders; and requiring employers to offer certain preventive services without cost-sharing increases premiums by 0.4 percent and affects 24 percent of group policyholders.   The total additional annual cost of the increased premiums tied to health reform amounts to $167 per policyholder in the group markets.

It is critical to explore whether these enhanced coverage options warrant increased premiums.  While we do, we also should ensure the public is aware that there is more to the data than nearly 10 percent premium hikes so it does not get dizzy from the spin cycle.

Inspirational Healthcare In(ter)ventions

The New York Times has an excellent section on “low-cost innovations that can save thousands of lives.” A conversation today focuses on Dr. Paul Polak, a 78-year-old former psychiatrist.

[Dr. Polak] has focused on creating devices that will improve the lives of 2.6 billion people living on less than $2 a day. But, he insists, they must be so cheap and effective that the poor will actually buy them, since charity disappears when donors find new causes.

His greatest success has been a treadle pump that lets farmers raise groundwater in the dry season, when crops fetch more money. He has sold more than two million, he said. He also helped develop a $25 artificial knee and a $400 hospital lamp to save newborns with life-threatening jaundice.

Dr. Polak’s work reminded me of an inspirational conference in Boston, organized by Kevin Outterson, the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, the Rhode Island College of Pharmacy, Universities Allied for Essential Medicines & Mind the Health Gap. Una Ryan, President & Chief Executive Officer of Diagnostics for All, gave a powerful presentation on her company’s quest to bring tests to individuals for pennies. Developments like these indicate that conditions for the world’s poorest can actually improve.

X-Posted: Concurring Opinions.

The Hippocratic Math: Bioethics, Choice, and the Bottom Line

How does American society address the vulnerability of the body? We rarely stop to think about how quickly a disease or accident can derail even the best of lives. For the hundreds of millions of people who live on a few dollars a day, medical care is rare and haphazard. The US has gradually put in place a vast infrastructure of law and institutions designed to provide its citizens with quality, affordable, and accessible care. The proper limits of such care are hard to discern. Gregg Bloche’s book The Hippocratic Myth gives some excellent examples to reflect upon as the Affordable Care Act slowly begins to influence the health care delivery system.

Not many policymakers or scholars can write with the authority of Gregg Bloche. Bloche is not only a law professor, but also a physician, who knows his way around a hospital. Throughout The Hippocratic Myth, Bloche cements his authority in the mind of the reader by relating stories of his experience as a clinician. In each of these stories, his humane and insightful approach as psychiatrist shines through. I do not say this to imply that block uses his book to brag about his own abilities. Rather, these fluently written passages strike one as the work of one of those rare practitioners who manages to care deeply about the patient at hand while simultaneously contextualizing the encounter in a larger framework. Thus The Hippocratic Myth should take its place among other well-received books by physicians with a sense of the big picture (including Atul Gawande’s Checklist and Better and Jerome Groopman’s How Doctors Think.)

In The Hippocratic Myth, Bloche leverages this authority to advocate for a more cost sensitive health care system where individuals frankly acknowledge that they should expect trade-offs between cost and access to certain forms of care. My concern in this review is that Bloche the caring and expert physician would have a tough time in a health care world too deeply influenced by Bloche the cost-conscious author. To be sure, Bloche consciously shies away from proposing particular limits to care, and sets forth a surprisingly wide array of topics his work will not cover:

What does it take to make a health plans cost-benefit balancing principles so vivid and clear to consumers when they sign up that we can say they have consciously chosen to abide by them? Should the health plans be required by law to adopt a single, shared way of declaring their trade-off policies— say, maximum dollar amount per expected life year that they’ll spend on tests and treatments? How about a checklist of representative services, ranging from urgent care services to screening tests, that are or aren’t covered? And how much choice between health plans (and trade-off rules) is enough to make for a decent menu of options? Finally, what should be done about disparities in wealth? is there a decent minimum of buying power (and public subsidies) below which real choice between trade-off rules isn’t possible? these are matters of policy and politics, beyond my scope in this book. But they’ll need to become the focus of public attention, leading to agreements, if we are to enlist the nation’s support for limit setting by health plans and their doctors. (107)

Nevertheless, it is clear throughout the book that Bloche is deeply concerned about cutting costs. The question is whether we can, in good conscience, rally behind his crusade for cuts based on individual choices without coalescing beforehand on the types of specific mechanisms or redistributive measures that would cushion the blow of a transition to more restrictions on care in America’s comparatively market oriented healthcare system.

Mrs. Pearson’s Dialysis Appointments

Dialysis is a thorny issue in American health care. The US guarantees payment for dialysis care for anyone with kidney failure. Robin Fields at ProPublica has exposed massive failings in our system: “the United States continues to have one of the industrialized world’s highest mortality rates for dialysis care,” even though the “two corporate chains that dominate the dialysis-care system are consistently profitable, together making about $2 billion in operating profits a year.” Fields notes that, “if our system performed as well as Italy’s, or France’s, or Japan’s, thousands fewer patients would die each year.” Thus dialysis has become for many a case study in both the pathologies of a profit driven health care system and the willful weakness of a national government that guarantees payment for care, but fails to ensure that it is high quality or up to international standards.

Few people realize how tiring and stressful life can be for those subject to dialysis sessions. In an excellent article on racial disparities in kidney transplants, Vanessa Grubbs discusses the travails of one dialysis patient she is close to:

The weekends were hardest for Robert. Without functioning kidneys, he struggled with limiting his liquid intake in the face of constant thirst. The stretch from late Friday morning to Monday morning, his longest time between [dialysis] sessions, was the worst. Without fail, Monday mornings I would wake to the sounds of Robert vomiting, even though he shut the bathroom door, ran the exhaust fan, and turned on the shower to drown out his retching as he prepared to leave for dialysis. His body was ridding itself of the excess fluid the only way it could.

In Bloche’s book, we get another intimate look at dialysis, through the eyes of a Mrs. Pearson (a pseudonym), who has been undergoing the treatment for several years. Narrative matters in bioethics and health policy, and Bloche is a master at evoking critical details in Pearson’s story. Described as a “trim African-American woman in her late 50s,” Pearson decided at one point to discontinue dialysis. Her doctor called Bloche, a psychiatrist, to interview Pearson to assure that she was competent to make a decision that would result in her death within a few weeks. Bloche conducts a routine mental status exam, and quickly determines that Pearson is fully mentally competent to discontinue treatment. She states that she simply cannot continue to be jabbed with thick needles, often leading to painful wounds, to endure hours of blood filtration day after day. She is neither agitated nor depressed, but rather appears to be quietly resigned to the fatal consequences of giving up on the treatment. As Bloche observes,

From an ethical point of view, my duty was clear. If Mrs. Pearson grasped the stakes, and was alert and oriented, she had a right to refuse treatment. She passed these tests easily. The dialysis would have to stop. It was my job to write the note saying so. Without a competent patient’s informed consent, no test or treatment is ethical – at least none more intrusive than a needlestick or Tylenol at bedtime.

Bloche then adds the requisite note to Pearson’s file. But he has lingering doubts about her decision, articulating his unease in a question—was her response to her predicament “too rational?” This question reminded me of literature on the pathologization of shyness—do we need an emotional performance nowadays to have evidence of a sound mind? But Bloche is the psychiatrist, not me, and it’s a good thing he was in charge of this situation: his hunch panned out. In a follow-up interview, Bloche finds that a scheduling decision by the hospital sparked Pearson’s desire to quit dialysis.

She had been going during the day; they wanted her to come at night. Pearson felt powerless and angry. To Bloche, the decision to discontinue dialysis was the only way in which she could register a protest against authorities who were distant and arbitrary. Behind the scenes, Bloche arranges to keep the daytime scheduling, despite the extra costs it may incur.

Archimedean Points for Health Care Debates: Cost-Containment or Equity?

Here Bloche puts into action a conviction he had raised earlier in the book. It’s worth quoting the context in full, to give a sense of the minefield of advocacy contemporary health policy encompasses.

That distrust, and the trials and humiliations that many experience when making their way through our health system, depresses the level and quality of the care that African-Americans receive. . . . [But] it’s been urged that African-Americans and others who don’t seek the best, life-prolonging care for themselves and their loved ones act irresponsibly and have themselves to blame. . . . Clark Havighurst, a retired law professor at Duke who was once Ronald Reagan’s health policy advisor, complained to me that [those who complain about health disparities] missed the real unfairness: blacks who prefer less care pay the same insurance premiums as whites and thus subsidize whites’ higher use of health services. The remedy, he told me, is cheaper health plans for those who want less care.

Whether clinical judgment should corporate these purported African-American “preferences” for less care or aspire toward therapeutic equity is a political question. It’s my belief that we owe black Americans— and members of other disadvantaged groups— an effort to address the fear and distrust that have led so many to miss out on life extending care and clinical relationships. (92-93)

Bloche is right to state that, given the endless series of studies documenting health disparities, the US as a society owes underprivileged minorities special efforts to provide care.

But Bloche chooses a strange locution for this call to justice. Whereas he has apodeictic certainty that health care costs must come down, he treats his commitment to equality as merely one “political” view. I believe that precisely the opposite is the case: we can engage in endless political arguments about the overall level of health care spending, but these debates must be grounded in a social commitment to a certain baseline of care for all. Nevertheless, I greatly appreciate the careful and sensitive attention that Bloche gives these topics.

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