New Evidence on Smoking Marijuana and Lung Function; Update on New Jersey’s Nascent Medical Marijuana Program

This week’s JAMA includes an article reporting on new evidence that smoking marijuana does not negatively affect lung function. Smoking tobacco has long been known to harm the lungs and to increase the risk of developing chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and lung cancer, both leading causes of death. The risks posed by smoking marijuana, on the other hand, have largely been assumed, based on the fact that “[m]arijuana smoke contains many of the same constituents as tobacco smoke[.]”

The authors of the JAMA article analyzed data from a 20-year longitudinal study of 5,115 people in 4 American cities who “comprise a broad cross-section of typical tobacco and marijuana use patterns” and found that “[w]ith up to 7 joint-years of lifetime exposure (e.g., 1 joint [a day] for 7 years or 1 joint [a week] for 49 years)” there was no evidence of an adverse effect on the lungs. Very heavy marijuana use in excess of 7 joint-years of lifetime exposure could prove harmful, but there were not enough heavy users in the study to demonstrate this.

High-quality epidemiological evidence like this latest JAMA study will be key to filling in the gaps in our knowledge about marijuana’s safety profile. While double-blinded randomized controlled trials are considered the gold standard for evaluating the safety and efficacy of drugs, they are not always an option, particularly where the goal is to gather data over many years. Marijuana’s classification as a Schedule 1 controlled substance adds to the difficulty of mounting clinical trials. Given this, it is (or will be) a very good thing that New Jersey’s still-nascent medical marijuana program will include a registry of de-identified patient treatment and outcomes data that will allow researchers to learn more about the drug’s safety and efficacy.

The statute authorizing New Jersey’s medical marijuana program was passed two full years ago, in January 2010, but the road to implantation has been a long and rocky one. (My previous posts on the subject are here, here, here, and here.) While the Christie Administration is now on board, local towns have proved resistant to efforts to site alternative treatment centers that would grow and/or dispense marijuana there. In the Associated Press earlier this week, Geoff Mulvihill writes that “[s]o far, only one [of the six groups authorized by the state to operate alternative treatment centers] has announced that it has secured local approvals. … Three others have been shut out of their chosen locations by local government bodies, despite assurances that security at the dispensaries would be tight and that pot would be given only to patients who are truly sick.”

The state may be fighting back. Nina Rizzo reports in the Asbury Park Press that Assemblyman Declan O’Scanlon has announced “that he will introduce legislation next week that would prohibit counties and municipalities from interfering with the development of medical marijuana cultivation and distribution centers by extending their protections under the Right to Farm Act.”

Such a heavy-handed approach may be necessary in the short term, to ensure that all six authorized alternative treatment centers can get off the ground. If the New Jersey Compassionate Use Medical Marijuana Act and its regulations work as they are intended to, however, public confidence in the program should grow.

Recommended Reading: Recent Scholarship with Implications for Pharmaceutical Pricing and Access

Bundles in the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Case Study of Pediatric Vaccines, by Kevin W. Caves and Hal J. Singer of Navigant Economics, provides a technical but still accessible analysis of the anticompetitive effects of vaccine manufacturers’ practice of conditioning price discounts on physician buying groups agreeing to purchase the manufacturers’ vaccines in a bundle and agreeing not to purchase other manufacturers’ products.  The article begins with an interesting overview of the characteristics of the vaccine market, an introduction to the physician buying groups that purchase vaccines and to the anti-kickback concerns they raise, and a summary of the (somewhat up in the air) legal standard for when bundled discounting becomes an antitrust violation.

The authors then present their analysis of the uphill battle Novartis (a source of funding for the article) will have to fight to induce physicians to “break the bundle” and buy its new meningitis vaccine.  The authors conclude that even if Novartis were to give away its meningitis vaccine for free, “buyers defecting from [Sanofi Pasteur's bundle of vaccines, which includes Sanofi's meningitis vaccine,] would still lose $14.05 per patient in expected value.”  They present data indicating “that buyers unencumbered by … Sanofi’s loyalty contracts are over three times as likely to purchase [Novartis' vaccine], relative to encumbered buyers…” and conclude that enough of the market is foreclosed to Novartis to establish a presumption of anticompetitive effects and concomitant harm to consumers.  Per the authors, “[i]n an industry served almost exclusively by large, multi-product incumbents, with no prospects for generic competition and extremely limited entry by competitive rivals of any kind, these findings have significant implications for public policy and antitrust enforcement.”

Somewhat less accessible (due to a plethora of equations) but still well worth reading is Tort Liability and the Market for Prescription Drugs by Eric Helland, Darius Lakdawalla, Anup Malani, and Seth Seabury.  Helland and his co-authors present the results of an empirical study of the relationship between product liability rules and drug price and utilization.  While the effect of a liability rule can often be studied by comparing a state that makes a change to the rule with one that does not, the authors had to modify this approach because drugs are sold nationally.  They determined the exposure to punitive damages caps of each of nearly 16,000 drugs by first determining each drug’s geographic distribution of sales, a figure which varies from drug to drug due to geographic variation in the prevalence of disease.  The authors found that the degree of exposure to caps was correlated with an increase in drug prices but also with an increase in drug utilization.  Tighter liability standards also correlate with a reduction in adverse drug reactions.  The authors write that their numbers “imply that if every remaining state adopted some reform, there would be a 23% increase in all [adverse] events and a 25% increase in serious [adverse] events … among branded drugs.”  They conclude that “on balance, liability improves consumer and social welfare.”

FDA’s ‘Bad Ad’ Program is in Full Effect

Last spring, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) launched the Truthful Prescription Drug Advertising and Promotion Program (known more accessibly as the “Bad Ad Program“). The goal of the program is to enlist the help of health care professionals, consumers, and industry representatives in noting FDA violations and reporting activities and messages that are false or misleading. Common drug marketing violations include omitting or downplaying risk, overstating effectiveness, promoting off-label uses and making misleading drug comparisons. The program is run by the FDA’s Division of Drug Marketing, Advertising, and Communications (DDMAC), which is responsible for “ensuring truthful advertising and promotion of prescription drugs.”

The FDA published a year-end report in May noting that the program has been successful in raising awareness. DDMAC received 328 reports of potentially untruthful or misleading promotions in one year, with the majority of those submitted by health care professionals (188 reports) and consumers (116 reports). The report notes that prior to the Bad Ad program, the FDA received an average of about 104 reports per year.

And the Bad Ad tips are still coming in. Just at the end of last month, DDMAC issued a reprimand letter to Pfizer’s Vice President of US Regulatory Affairs regarding misleading advertising of drugs on the company’s Lipitor website. A complaint to the Bad Ad program observed that the links from the Lipitor site led to pages for the drugs Caduet (for high cholesterol and blood pressure), Norvasc (for high blood pressure), and Chantix (for smoking cessation). But each of those pages failed to note any of the risk information associated with the drugs, which is a violation of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act.

The FDA states that “by omitting the most serious and frequently occurring risks associated with Caduet, Chantix, and Norvasc, the webpage misleadingly suggests that these drugs are safer than have been demonstrated.” The letter ends with a request that Pfizer immediately stop the dissemination of violative promotional materials for the drugs. The company was to have submitted a written response to the complaint by September 14^th that states how they will comply with the request.

While the Bad Ad program may be working to raise awareness among health professionals and consumers, one violation may not be enough to induce compliance from pharmaceutical companies. In fact, DDMAC already chided Pfizer in March of 2009 for omitting risk information for Caduet and Chantix. In that case, Pfizer sponsored links for the drugs on Internet search engines. The sites linked to did not mention any risk information and therefore, presumably,  can be said to have also represented the products in a manner which, as above, suggests that these drugs are safer than have been demonstrated.” The most recent letter states that “DDMAC is concerned that Pfizer is continuing to promote its products in a similarly violative manner.” A citizen’s task force is a good way for the FDA to multiply their eyes and ears to keep tabs on misleading and/or violative advertisement. We’ll see what further successes the next year-end report for the Bad Ad program can show. Or, perhaps, success might also be measured in the absence of violations.

Generic Drugs, Cost-Effectiveness, and Confidence

Smarter prescribing and better medication management are linchpins of current efforts to care for those with chronic medical conditions in a more consistent, coordinated, and, it is hoped, affordable manner.  A study reported in last month’s Health Affairs found that using medication to control patients’ blood sugar levels and lower their blood pressure and cholesterol is not just cost-effective, it can actually save money by reducing “downstream complications and the use of health services that outweigh the cost of the medications themselves.”  Notably, these cost savings can only be achieved if the medications in question are generics.  The authors conclude that “in a health care system strapped for resources, physicians will increasingly use generics, and patients will have to expect that most of their medications will be generic.”

As the authors also note, resistance to generics, on the part of both patients and their doctors, is longstanding and persistent.  Some of this can be chalked up to the intense and wide-ranging marketing campaigns that innovator companies mount on behalf of branded drugs.  Branded medications used to treat chronic conditions are especially heavily marketed, including through the use of free samples.  Numerous studies (here’s a recent one out of Vermont) show that physicians with sample closets in their offices are less likely than those without sample closets to prescribe generics where appropriate.

Interestingly, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services announced earlier this year that Medicaid Part D prescription drug plans “may incur expenses related to distribution of and reporting on generic drug samples, provided to members within a physician’s office setting, under the plan’s administrative cost structure if doing so is consistent with a cost effective drug utilization management program.”  CMS explained that generic samples have the potential to reduce the government’s overall costs and to promote compliance with drug therapies by reducing enrollees’ current and future cost sharing expenses.  (George Van Antwerp argues here that CMS overstates the benefits of generic samples, but only because generic fill rates are rising so fast without them.)

Marketing is not the whole story behind lingering resistance to generics, though.  As the New York Times recently reported, most generic drugs are manufactured in “a shadowy network of facilities in China and India that are rarely visited by government inspectors, who sometimes cannot even find the plants.”  While plants in the United States are inspected at least once every two years, the Food and Drug Administration has historically lacked the resources to provide the same level of oversight to foreign facilities.  An “epoch-making” agreement between the FDA and generic drug manufacturers will, assuming it is approved by Congress, change this.  The manufacturers have agreed to pay $299 million in annual fees to, among other things, fund inspections of foreign plants on the same schedule that applies to domestic plants.  As the Times notes: “[T]he generic drug industry is no longer a motley collection of struggling mom-and-pop companies.  Years of consolidation have created giants like Israel-based Teva Pharmaceuticals that understand that their businesses depend on winning the confidence of patients and regulators alike, and they can afford to pay the fees needed to achieve that confidence.”

Of Pain and Suffering, Morphine and Global Shortages

In recovery for more than 18 years, up until yesterday I had little good to say about narcotics. Having seen over the years at close quarters what drug and alcohol abuse can do to people and families, I could be considered almost virulently anti-drug. I have no patience for abuse– which may well have spilled over into use. The constant barrage of Pharma commercials which promise that I can avoid any of the discomfort associated with daily life has only added to my distaste. I receive dozens of spam messages through this blog each day promising me cheap oxycontin and the like through internet clearing houses. We are a Pharma Nation. But yesterday, as is so often the case, born of personal experience, I came to appreciate the pain relief that properly administered drugs can bring– and to also appreciate the gravity of the lack of such medicines across the globe.

I woke up and broke out in a cold sweat and quickly began writhing around and wailing in pain like a wild animal caught in a bear trap. The pain came in excruciating waves radiating as though I had just been punched below the belt– repeatedly. Afraid it may have been appendicitis or something equally as dire, I had my son call 911. The police showed up immediately, but the all volunteer ambulance squad took close to 40 minutes to get here. I cursed, hollered, moaned, pled– and even shrieked, the whole time. I did the same even after we reached the Emergency Room, though there I peppered my plaints with apologies.

Convinced it was a kidney stone, the nurse and doctor insisted I take something for the pain. Explaining my recovery status I  protested, but ultimately relented asking if they could make the drug/dose “as little as possible.” They gave me morphine and Toradol. Moments later I became human again. It stopped the pain, it didn’t get me “high.”

The CT scan showed the stone to be making its may down to my urinary tract– all 4 painful millimeters of it. It would need to be 5 millimeters, however, for it to be surgically removed. As such, I longingly wait for it to pass.

Over the years, because I’ve seen so many alcoholics and addicts relapse after using prescription drugs, despite severe pain I’ve eschewed the use of prescription pain relief– always risky to wake a sleeping dragon. But this was something else entirely.

So what does this all have to do with health reform and law? Outside the U.S. there are severe shortages of morphine. Although a dose costs only pennies, the “War on Drugs” is said to have rendered the drug largely unavailable for medical use. In India, morphine is said to be “almost impossible” to get. In the video below,  Diedrick Lohman of Human Rights Watch asserts that “freedom from medical pain should be a basic human right.” I’m not sure how that would be defined legally, but conceptually, I agree. If you ever find yourself within the grips of an unrelenting pain– a pain so great you no longer even feel human–you may too. The video below details the problem, in excruciating terms.

Auditing Studies of Anti-Depressants

Marcia Angell has kicked off another set of controversies for the pharmaceutical sector in two recent review essays in the New York Review of Books. She favorably reviews meta-research that calls into question the effectiveness of many antidepressant drugs:

Kirsch and his colleagues used the Freedom of Information Act to obtain FDA reviews of all placebo-controlled clinical trials, whether positive or negative, submitted for the initial approval of the six most widely used antidepressant drugs approved between 1987 and 1999—Prozac, Paxil, Zoloft, Celexa, Serzone, and Effexor. . . .Altogether, there were forty-two trials of the six drugs. Most of them were negative. Overall, placebos were 82 percent as effective as the drugs, as measured by the Hamilton Depression Scale (HAM-D), a widely used score of symptoms of depression. The average difference between drug and placebo was only 1.8 points on the HAM-D, a difference that, while statistically significant, was clinically meaningless. The results were much the same for all six drugs: they were all equally unimpressive. Yet because the positive studies were extensively publicized, while the negative ones were hidden, the public and the medical profession came to believe that these drugs were highly effective antidepressants.

Angell discusses other research that indicates that placebos can often be nearly as effective as drugs for conditions like depression. Psychiatrist Peter Kramer, a long-time advocate of anti-depressant therapy, responded to her last Sunday. He admits that “placebo responses . . . have been steadily on the rise” in FDA data; “in some studies, 40 percent of subjects not receiving medication get better.” But he believes that is only because the studies focus on the mildly depressed:

The problem is so big that entrepreneurs have founded businesses promising to identify genuinely ill research subjects. The companies use video links to screen patients at central locations where (contrary to the practice at centers where trials are run) reviewers have no incentives for enrolling subjects. In early comparisons, off-site raters rejected about 40 percent of subjects who had been accepted locally — on the ground that those subjects did not have severe enough symptoms to qualify for treatment. If this result is typical, many subjects labeled mildly depressed in the F.D.A. data don’t have depression and might well respond to placebos as readily as to antidepressants.

Yves Smith finds Kramer’s response unconvincing:

The research is clear: the efficacy of antidepressants is (contrary to what [Kramer's] article suggests) lower than most drugs (70% is a typical efficacy rate; for antidepressants, it’s about 50%. The placebo rate is 20% to 30% for antidepressants). And since most antidepressants produce side effects, patients in trials can often guess successfully as to whether they are getting real drugs. If a placebo is chosen that produces a symptom, say dry mouth, the efficacy of antidepressants v. placebos is almost indistinguishable. The argument made in [Kramer's] article to try to deal with this inconvenient fact, that many of the people chosen for clinical trials really weren’t depressed (thus contending that the placebo effect was simply bad sampling) is utter[ly wrong]. You’d see the mildly/short-term depressed people getting both placebos and real drugs. You would therefore expect to see the efficacy rate of both the placebo and the real drug boosted by the inclusion of people who just happened to get better anyhow.

Felix Salmon also challenges Kramer’s logic:

[Kramer's view is that] lots of people were diagnosed with depression and put onto a trial of antidepressant drugs, even when they were perfectly healthy. Which sounds very much like the kind of thing that Angell is complaining about: the way in which, for instance, the number of children so disabled by mental disorders that they qualify for Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) was 35 times higher in 2007 than it was in 1987. And it’s getting worse: the editors of DSM-V, to be published in 2013, have written that “in primary care settings, approximately 30 percent to 50 percent of patients have prominent mental health symptoms or identifiable mental disorders, which have significant adverse consequences if left untreated.”

Those who would defend psychopharmacology, then, seem to want to have their cake and eat it: on the one hand it seems that serious mental health disorders have reached pandemic proportions, but on the other hand we’re told that a lot of people diagnosed with those disorders never really had them in the first place.

That is a very challenging point for the industry to consider as it responds to concerns like Angell’s. The diagnosis of mental illness will always have ineradicably economic dimensions and politically contestable aims. But doctors and researchers should insulate professional expertise and the interpretation of maladies as much as possible from inappropriate pressures.

How can they maintain that kind of independent clinical judgment? I think one key is to assure that data from all trials is open to all researchers. Consider, for instance, these findings from a NEJM study on “selective publication:”

We obtained reviews from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for studies of 12 antidepressant agents involving 12,564 patients. . . . Among 74 FDA-registered studies, 31%, accounting for 3449 study participants, were not published. Whether and how the studies were published were associated with the study outcome. A total of 37 studies viewed by the FDA as having positive results were published; 1 study viewed as positive was not published. Studies viewed by the FDA as having negative or questionable results were, with 3 exceptions, either not published (22 studies) or published in a way that, in our opinion, conveyed a positive outcome (11 studies). According to the published literature, it appeared that 94% of the trials conducted were positive. By contrast, the FDA analysis showed that 51% were positive. Separate meta-analyses of the FDA and journal data sets showed that the increase in effect size ranged from 11 to 69% for individual drugs and was 32% overall. (emphasis added).

Melander, et al. also worried (in 2003) that, since “The degree of multiple publication, selective publication, and selective reporting differed between products,” “any attempt to recommend a specific selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor from the publicly available data only is likely to be based on biased evidence.” Without clearer “best practices” for data publication, clinical judgment may be impaired.

Full disclosure of study funding should also be mandatory and conspicuous, wherever results are published. Ernest R. House has reported that, “In a study of 370 ‘randomized’ drug trials, studies recommended the experimental drug as the ‘treatment of choice’ in 51% of trials sponsored by for-profit organizations compared to 16% sponsored by nonprofits.” The commodification of research has made it too easy to manipulate results, as Bartlett & Steele have argued:

One big factor in the shift of clinical trials to foreign countries is a loophole in F.D.A. regulations: if studies in the United States suggest that a drug has no benefit, trials from abroad can often be used in their stead to secure F.D.A. approval. There’s even a term for countries that have shown themselves to be especially amenable when drug companies need positive data fast: they’re called “rescue countries.” Rescue countries came to the aid of Ketek, the first of a new generation of widely heralded antibiotics to treat respiratory-tract infections. Ketek was developed in the 1990s by Aventis Pharmaceuticals, now Sanofi-Aventis. In 2004 . . . the F.D.A. certified Ketek as safe and effective. The F.D.A.’s decision was based heavily on the results of studies in Hungary, Morocco, Tunisia, and Turkey.

The approval came less than one month after a researcher in the United States was sentenced to 57 months in prison for falsifying her own Ketek data. . . . As the months ticked by, and the number of people taking the drug climbed steadily, the F.D.A. began to get reports of adverse reactions, including serious liver damage that sometimes led to death. . . . [C]ritics were especially concerned about an ongoing trial in which 4,000 infants and children, some as young as six months, were recruited in more than a dozen countries for an experiment to assess Ketek’s effectiveness in treating ear infections and tonsillitis. The trial had been sanctioned over the objections of the F.D.A.’s own reviewers. . . . In 2006, after inquiries from Congress, the F.D.A. asked Sanofi-Aventis to halt the trial. Less than a year later, one day before the start of a congressional hearing on the F.D.A.’s approval of the drug, the agency suddenly slapped a so-called black-box warning on the label of Ketek, restricting its use. (A black-box warning is the most serious step the F.D.A. can take short of removing a drug from the market.) By then the F.D.A. had received 93 reports of severe adverse reactions to Ketek, resulting in 12 deaths.

The great anti-depressant debate is part of a much larger “re-think” of the validity of data. Medical claims can spread virally without much evidence. According to a notable meta-researcher, “much of what medical researchers conclude in their studies is misleading, exaggerated, or flat-out wrong.” The “decline effect” dogs science generally. Statisticians are also debunking ballyhooed efforts to target cancer treatments.

Max Weber once said that “radical doubt is the father of knowledge.” Perhaps DSM-VI will include a diagnosis for such debilitating skepticism. But I think there’s much to be learned from an insistence that true science is open, inspectable, and replicable. Harvard’s program on “Digital Scholarship” and the Yale Roundtable on Data and Code Sharing* have taken up this cause, as has the work of Victoria Stodden.

We often hear that the academic sector has to become more “corporate” if it is to survive and thrive. At least when it comes to health data, the reverse is true: corporations must become much more open about the sources and limits of the studies they conduct. We can’t resolve the “great anti-depressant debate,” or prevent future questioning of pharma’s bona fides, without such commitments.

*In the spirit of full disclosure: I did participate in this roundtable.

Distribution Controls: A Potentially Powerful Weapon Against Inappropriate or Dangerous Off-Label Use

When supplies of sodium thiopental dried up earlier this year, states turned to other drugs to carry out executions by lethal injection.  The anti-seizure drug pentobarbital, marketed as Nembutal, is one such drug.  An estimated two-thirds of the thirty-four states with the death penalty have switched or considered switching to Nembutal; states that have made the switch include Georgia, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, and Texas.  As of earlier this month, Nembutal had been used in eighteen executions this year.

Like sodium thiopental, Nembutal is an off-patent drug that serves a relatively small market.  The sole company licensed to manufacture Nembutal in the United States, the Danish firm Lundbeck Inc., has been the target of a public relations and investment campaign by human rights activists calling for the end to the use of the drug in executions.  Lundbeck has never sold Nembutal directly to prisons, however, and initially the company said that there was nothing it could do to control the drug’s re-sale.  As a spokesperson explained:

We can’t withdraw the product because it is used for treating severe epilepsy and sometimes it’s the only treatment option.  All we can do is write to the prisons urging them to stop misusing using our product which was designed to help sick people.  It’s a really unfortunate situation.

Earlier this month, Lundbeck announced that it had determined that there were steps it could take beyond letter writing.  The company considered ceasing production of the drug altogether–it represents less than one percent of the company’s sales and is, in the company’s words, “economically insignificant”–but decided against doing so in light of survey evidence that the fifty million doses of the drug it sells in the United States each year are important for treating epilepsy that is severe and refractory (that is, unresponsive to other drugs).

Lundbeck decided instead to distribute Nembutal through Cardinal Health’s Specialty Pharmaceutical Services on a “drop-ship” basis, directly to hospitals.  Less than ten percent of drugs are distributed directly to end-user customers in this way, typically “cancer treatments that are expensive, difficult to make, or not in high demand.”  Lundbeck will review each Nembutal order and deny those from “from prisons in states currently active in carrying out death penalty sentences.”  Every purchaser will be required to represent in writing “that the purchase of [Nembutal] is for its own use and that it will not redistribute any purchased product without the express written authorization of Lundbeck.”  Lundbeck’s CEO has warned that the company will take unspecified “legal action” against any purchaser who violates these terms.

Lundbeck’s decision to use a drop-ship program and purchaser agreements to take responsibility for the off-label uses to which its product is put once it leaves the company’s control raises the question whether other companies could or should be asked to do the same.  In some cases, issues of scale will foreclose such an approach.  In other cases, a company and/or regulators may have concerns about inappropriate or dangerous off-label use but not be able to link it to an easily identified class of would-be purchasers like “prisons in states currently active in carrying out death penalty sentences.”  (Note that even in Lundbeck’s case the agreements are overbroad to the extent that they deny access to Nembutal to prisoners in death penalty states who need the drug to treat severe, refractory epilepsy.)  In still other cases, however, taking control of distribution will be a feasible, and powerful, compliance tool.  The Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy (REMS) for Lazanda (fentanyl) Nasal Spray, recently posted to the Food and Drug Administration website, which provides that would-be distributors enroll in the REMS program and agree to limit their distribution to specially-certified pharmacies which are also enrolled in the program, is just one example.

The Disturbing Rise in Drug Shortages: A “Multifactorial” Problem

With the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Clinical Oncology this past week came a wave of news stories about cancer and cancer treatment.  Frank Pasquale highlights a disturbing warning issued by oncologists at the meeting, that “cancer medicines desperately needed by sick children and adults are in short supply, undermining the ability of U.S. doctors to administer treatments.”  Supplies of other medicines are running short, too, including treatments for anaphylactic shock, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, cardiac arrest, cystic fibrosis, and infertility.

Writing for the AP, Lauran Neergaard reports that “[t]he problem of scarce supplies or even completely unavailable medications isn’t a new one but it’s getting markedly worse.”  According to Lancet Oncology, there were a record 211 drug shortages in 2011, up from 166 in 2009, 149 in 2008, 129 in 2007, and 70 in 2006.  Neergard adds that “another 89 drug shortages have occurred in the first three months of this year[.]”

Most of the medicines that have run short are sterile injectable drugs, which are complex and time-consuming to manufacture.  (The anesthesia drug sodium thiopental which I blogged about here falls into this category.)  And, most, or even all, of the shortfall drugs are no longer subject to protection from a patent or Food & Drug Administration-administered exclusivity period, so the innovator firms that developed them are subject to competition from generic manufacturers.  The resultant lower prices and slimmer profit margins mean that, in the words of leading oncologist Dr. Richard Schilsky, the manufacturers’ return on investment is “pretty low.”

Among the reasons cited for the rise in drug shortages are the inherent challenges of manufacturing sterile injectable drugs, the low return on investment facing generic manufacturers, which has led the number of manufacturers of any given generic drug to dwindle, drug company mergers, which can result in the discontinuation of one of two similar products, the time it takes the FDA to approve applications to make manufacturing changes, for example a change in the source of a drug’s active ingredient, and the failure of the FDA to act expeditiously in investigating manufacturing problems and clearing plants to resume production once the problems have been resolved.

The Preserving Access to Lifesaving Medications Act, introduced in February by Senators Robert Casey and Amy Klobuchar, would require manufacturers to notify FDA “of a discontinuance, interruption, or other adjustment of the manufacture of the drug that would likely result in a shortage of such drug[.]“  Per Lauran Neergard, the FDA “was able to prevent 38 close calls from turning into shortages last year by speeding approval of manufacturing changes or urging competing companies to get ready to meet a shortfall.”  The FDA has even permitted (temporarily) the import of medicines approved outside the United States when necessary to mitigate shortages.

Participants in a Drug Shortages Summit convened late last year by the American Society of Clinical Oncology and others recommended that additional legislative and regulatory reforms be explored, ranging from providing incentives to manufacturers in exchange for a guarantee that they continue producing critical drugs, to charging manufacturers fees to fund expedited FDA review of applications for permission to manufacture generic drugs, to requiring manufacturing redundancies (e.g. that more than one source for a drug’s active ingredient be identified) as a condition of approval.  Interestingly, while some participants in the Drug Shortages Summit argued that products liability exposure could cause companies to withdraw drugs from the market, the manufacturers who attended denied this, calling the decision “multifactorial.”  There is evidence to support the manufacturers’ claim.  As I discussed here, in late 2004, after Chiron Corporation announced that it would not be able to provide flu vaccine for the United States market that year due to manufacturing issues, Congress brought the flu vaccine into the Vaccine Injury Compensation Program fold.  Unfortunately, liability relief did not result in an increase in the number of manufacturers in the flu vaccine market.  Targeted reforms like those that the Summit participants recommend be explored seem more likely to be effective at ensuring a steady, reliable supply of vital medicines.

Controlling the Controllers of Controlled Substances

Despite their name and extensive government regulation, controlled dangerous substances (”CDS”) are far from controlled.  Licensed  health care providers are essential cogs in the prescription drug control machine.  Many faithfully execute their responsibility to prescribe CDS only where necessary and appropriate to relieve patient pain.  But sadly, some professionals are aggravating the situation.  Significant percentages of the professional licensing cases that I prosecuted in my previous position as a deputy attorney general in New Jersey involved abuse of prescribed CDS by patients and licensed professionals.

Some professionals are completely complicit, brazenly selling prescriptions (and their professional integrity) from their offices or cars.

Others aid and abet misuse by writing prescriptions too freely, for varying reasons and to varying degrees of culpability.  Some wear rose-colored glasses and miss tell-tale warning signs or just like to make people happy and have trouble confronting their patients.   Still others lack the training to know what types of questions to ask to identify drug-seeking behavior or how to effectively and safely combine different drugs to treat patients’ particular problems. Patients can be very skilled at keeping their providers in the dark, so some providers simply do not know that they are feeding a habit.   Others rationalize that it is better to keep their patients coming back for treatment than to send them to the streets for illegal drugs.

And, of course, others conscientiously wrestle with how to balance the need to relieve the very real pain they or their patients are experiencing with the reality that they or their patients are developing addictions.  It’s a thorny thicket, for sure.

No matter the reason, the problem of prescription drug abuse is intensifying, and we need to try something new.  This Spring, the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) unveiled “Epidemic: Responding to America’s Prescription Drug Abuse Crisis,” which is “a multi-agency plan aimed at reducing the ‘epidemic’ of prescription drug abuse in the U.S. — including the FDA-backed education program that zeros-in on reducing the misuse and misprescribing of opioids.”  This plan has four main components: improving education of patients and health care providers; expanding state-based prescription drug monitoring programs; improving means for proper disposal of unused CDS from homes; and stepping up enforcement to reduce “pill mills” and doctor-shopping.

As part the education part of the plan, the FDA is working to implement a “Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy (REMS)” for extended-release and long-acting opioid products, such as OxyContin and Duragesic (full list of drugs available here).  As FDA’s consumer update regarding this initiative summarizes, “[t]he new REMS plan focuses primarily on: educating doctors about proper pain management, patient selection, and other requirements and improving patient awareness about how to use these drugs safely.”  On May 16, 2011, FDA met with an Industry Working Group to discuss these ideas, including how to assess the effectiveness of the REMS plan.

Although generally I applaud any effort to better educate practitioners about the dangers of CDS, I worry how valuable this plan will be once implemented.  For one, it requires drug companies to prepare the educational materials.    Each has an interest in presenting its drug in the best light so that doctors are not afraid to prescribe it.  Would not government-funded, unbiased academic detailers, expert in pain and addiction medicine, be more effective?

In addition, the REMS plan does not require doctor training.  If we don’t even lead the horse to water, how can we ever quench its thirst?   How can we hope to affect the prescribing practices of health care providers who do not receive critical training?  It seems indisputably reasonable to require training in CDS prescribing before a practitioner is entrusted with the phenomenal responsibility to write prescriptions for CDS.   (According to a November 18, 2010 article by Susan Okie, M.D. in the New England Journal of Medicine, two FDA advisory committees agree with this requirement.)   This is especially crucial in states like New Jersey, where a medical license is plenary, and thus any licensed physician, regardless how little training in pain management s/he has had, may prescribe pain medicine.

Reportedly, other federal agencies are lobbying Congress to require mandatory physician training as a condition to receiving the Drug Enforcement Administration registration number that doctors must have to prescribe controlled substances.  But generally, the federal DEA registration process looks to state law.  If state law permits a physician to prescribe CDS, there normally is not a separate federal requirement.  This policy respects that licensing is among the states’ traditional police powers.  I expect that Congress is well aware that individual state licensing boards would bristle at Washington dictating the rules governing the practice of professions within their borders.

Not surprisingly, then, some states are not waiting for Congress to act.  According to Dr. Okie, the licensing boards in California, Rhode Island, and West Virginia require some degree of pain-management training.  We need to know what their experiences have been.  Is the training making a difference?  Is there any evidence that requiring training is discouraging doctors from prescribing CDS to patients in pain?

Dr. Okie’s article also details a law that is scheduled to go into effect in Washington state in mid-2011 that will require doctors who prescribe opioids to enter their patients’ clinical responses to treatment in a statewide database and to consult with a pain specialist if the prescribed dose exceeds a threshold.  The hope is that physicians who have thus far not changed their prescribing in response to voluntary educational programs and treatment guidelines may respond if their treatment success is being measured.  But some fear there are too few pain specialists to satisfy the demands imposed by this law.  Some practitioners and patients fear this will just drive patients to street drugs like heroin.

Florida, too, which reportedly is the source of eighty-five percent of the nation’s oxycodone and is known as the nation’s “Pill Mill Capital,” is taking bold steps to address prescription drug abuse.  In addition to increasing oversight of clinics, pharmacies, and wholesale distributors of CDS, its new statute signed into law on June 3, 2011 subjects physicians to administrative and criminal penalties for violating prescriptive regulations governing CDS prescribing.  For example, doctors will face a minimum of a six month suspension and $10,000 fine if they overprescribe CDS.  The law also requires certain doctors to register with the State and restricts their ability to prescribe certain controlled substances.  Doctors also must meet more exacting requirements for record keeping, prescription writing, and treatment plans for those receiving CDS.

The Florida law also authorizes the state to create a prescription-drug monitoring database that will help law enforcement track which providers may be indiscriminately prescribing CDS.  Upon request, treating physicians will have access to this data to inform their treatment decisions.  Approximately 34 other states are operating similar databases, although each has its own rules regarding what entities may access the data, what drugs must be reported, etc.

It is beyond the scope of this post to address the policy pros and cons of all of the provisions in Florida’s new law.  With respect to the prescription drug monitoring database, however, I long have thought it would be valuable to provide prescribing providers access to integrated pharmacy records.  I investigated many physicians who had their patients sign agreements promising only to receive CDS from that doctor.   Investigative pharmacy sweeps helped me learn that this doctor was one of many the patients were using to feed their habit.  But doctors in New Jersey have not had any access to this information unless their patients granted it to them.

But that is about to change.  Although it took years to enact, N.J.S.A. 45:1-45 - 1-52 authorizes New Jersey’s prescription monitoring program.  Section 1-46 specifically permits New Jersey physicians to access the program’s data concerning their patients (although physicians are not required to do so).  The same section also permits New Jersey to enter interoperability agreements with other states so that each state may access the other’s data.  The database is not up and running yet, but on April 7, 2011, New Jersey awarded a four-year contract to a company in Ohio to develop the database.

Once this database is operating, it will offer NJ doctors an opportunity to identify which patients are doctor-shopping and tailor their treatment accordingly.  Undoubtedly, there are risks with this system.  Patients may resent that their doctor did not trust them, for example.  In addition, doctors who primarily treat patients in chronic pain could trigger greater scrutiny from regulators because their prescribing of CDS will outpace other providers.  Regulators will need to carefully exercise their investigative powers so as not to discourage physicians from prescribing appropriate CDS.  These risks, however, seem worth the benefit of identifying patients in need of addiction counseling and treatment and reducing diversion.

But we should not rest on assumptions and hopes.  Rather, we should keenly watch what happens in places like California, Rhode Island, West Virginia, Washington, and Florida to evaluate what works and doesn’t.  Professors Diane Hoffmann (see, e.g., here and here [subscription required]) and Anita J. Tarjian (see, e.g., here) at the University of Maryland and Interim Dean Sandra Johnson at Saint Louis University School of Law (see, e.g., here), among others, raise significant concerns that aggressive enforcement of CDS restrictions can discourage physicians from prescribing CDS, which leaves un- and under-treated patients in pain.  This is unacceptable.  We should regulate with an appreciation for the strides achieved by efforts like the Mayday Pain Project to provide better care to patients suffering in pain.  By taking measured steps and being willing to tinker with our enforcement regimes as we learn, we may ensure we do not deprive patients of needed medications or scare ethical, competent pain physicians from serving their patients’ needs.

Perhaps the Federation of State Medical Boards will help lead this effort to learn from these varied efforts at the state and federal level.   According to its 2011 Annual Report, over 40 state boards have adopted the Federation’s Model Policy for the Use of Controlled Substances for the Treatment of Pain.  Clearly, state boards, without ceding their independence, look to the Federation for guidance, akin to how states view the ABA’s Model Rules of Professional Conduct.  Its policy paints in relatively broad strokes and has not been updated in more than seven years.  It would be helpful if the Federation would update its policy to reflect the current state of law and research in this area, including the impact of various reform efforts, to help state boards find balance between reining in indiscriminate CDS prescribing and the need to provide medically appropriate palliative care to patients in need.

Missing Care, Missing Drugs: Canaries in the Medical Coal Mine

While Washington has been focusing on repealing or rolling back parts of the Affordable Care Act, persistent embarrassments of the American health system show how untenable the status quo is. Both lower and middle class families are facing serious problems as they contend with providers’ and insurers’ cost constraints.

I’ll first address the familiar issue of health disparities. According to a recent news report, Lauren E. Wisk of the School of Medicine and Public Health at University of Wisconsin, Madison “examined data from the 2001-2006 Medical Expenditure Panel Surveys on 6,273 families with at least one child.” Wisk’s study shows that excessive financial burdens from cost-sharing are keeping many children from getting the care they need:

Families aren’t choosing to spend their money on going to the doctor when someone is sick because of how much it cost them to see the doctor last time. They’re sacrificing their health because it costs too much to be healthy. . . . We expect that if people aren’t getting the care they need, they’ll be sicker as a result. When you put this all together and look at the big picture, the cost of health care in the U.S. could actually be causing Americans to be sicker.

We might wonder: how can this be? Isn’t the economy in recovery? But we’ve seen this picture before, in the developing world. Growth does not help everyone. India, for example, has had astonishing economic growth, but it “is home to about a third of the world’s underweight and stunted children under the age of 5,” and “the impressive economic growth of the past decade has made only a modest dent into the obstinately high incidence of severe underweight and stunting of children in the country.” As Amartya Sen has shown, not only China, but also Bangladesh, are ahead of India in reducing the number of underweight children, despite the fact that “GNP per capita of $1,170″ in India, “compared with $590 in Bangladesh.” The critical number really is median GNP, and beyond that, real allocation to the sectors and concerns that matter. As the US surpasses Ivory Coast and Pakistan in inequality, don’t count on gains from growth to go to the people who need it.

It’s not just poor patients who need to worry about misplaced priorities in the health care system. We are increasingly seeing shortages of important drugs in the US. (Apparently this issue first caught mass media attention when prisons had a difficult time finding a key barbiturate used in executions.) Given that Congress is busy planning to cut funding for the statistical abstracts of the US and energy research (adding to prior DOJ cuts to studies of industrial concentration in the US), we shouldn’t be surprised to learn that “no one is systematically tracking the toll of the shortages.” Not many journalists are left to report on the government’s failure to report, either. But the head of FDA’s Drug Shortages Program is worried: “This is affecting oncology drugs, critical-care drugs, emergency medicine drugs.” It turns out that much-ballyhooed globalization has some downsides, too:

“We’ve certainly reached a very global supply chain for drug products, with the active ingredients typically made outside of the United States,” said [a] vice president for regulatory sciences at the Generic Pharmaceutical Association. “It could be Europe, India — some cases China. If there’s a problem at a facility in Italy or India, it leads to disruption of the drug supply in the United States.”

And a whole new triage system has developed to address an entirely avoidable crisis:

“We have heard some horror stories where patients are really begging to get the drugs from other sources and where practices or institutions are forced to kind of triage patients and save the drugs for those — quote — most curable, where they have the best prognosis and using substitutes where there isn’t a cure possibility,” [said the] president-elect of the American Society of Clinical Oncology.

A moving piece by Hagop M. Kantarjian describes the dilemmas facing some leukemia doctors:

Recently I sent out a plea on this national crisis to 8,000 oncologists who subscribe to a monthly e-mail newsletter published by the leukemia department at the MD Anderson Cancer Center. Within 12 hours, my in-box was jammed with replies from doctors in more than 25 states, each with his or her own horror story. . . . Take, for example, the 43-year-old Kentucky father who got a substandard dose of cytarabine because his doctor used all the doses he could find but still didn’t have enough. “I don’t know what I’ll do next,” the doctor told me.

Or the 45-year-old retired Air Force lieutenant colonel from Colorado, father of an incoming Air Force Academy cadet, whose leukemia came back after six months. His doctor looked all over the state for cytarabine with no luck and so was forced to give his patient second-line therapy. Or the 15-year-old boy from Florida who is in remission but can’t get the therapy that will cure him.

I see two takeaways from this sad situation. First, the next time someone says that generic “health care costs” are too high, consider whether they really mean we need to reallocate funds from less productive sectors to this, life-threatening crisis. Second, we need to reconsider the wisdom and necessity of far-flung, fragile supply chains for critical products. Barry Lynn has been making this point for some time. His book Cornered argues that “the drive to reduce costs has led to several competing manufacturers relying on a single overseas supplier for certain components and that this makes the whole system vulnerable to an event like an earthquake, a strike, or a war that might put the single supplier temporarily out of business.” Even for those skeptical of Lynn’s thesis in, say, the automotive or computer sector, his warnings should be salient for the food and health care industries. Too many lives have been put at risk by supply chains that are not robust enough to handle predictable challenges.

The Identity Theft Smoke Screen: Data Mining of Prescription Drug Records and Personal Data Privacy

[Ed Note: We are pleased to welcome a guest article from Christopher J. Asakiewicz, J.D. He graduated from Seton Hall Law in 2011 with a concentration in Health Law, recently passed the New York Bar Exam (congratulations!) and works for ImClone Systems Corporation, an affiliate of Eli Lilly and Company, drafting and negotiating various clinical documents and patient disclosures with both US and ex-US institutions as well as central and local investigational review boards (IRBs). During law school he worked  at Saint Vincents Catholic Medical Centers of New York (SVCMC) in the department of legal affairs, and prior to pursuing a legal education, managed phase IIIB/IV international clinical trials for Pfizer Inc. in the areas of neurology and neurodegenerative diseases.]

Personal data privacy once again has taken front stage in Sorrel v. IMS Health, Inc.[1] Vermont passed the Vermont Confidentiality of Prescription Information Law that allows doctors which prescribe drugs to patients, to decide whether pharmacies can sell their prescription drug prescription records.[2] IMS Health as well as other health information companies contested the law, arguing that the law poses a restriction on commercial speech as access to such information helps pharmaceutical companies market their drugs effectively to doctors. The Supreme Court is now tasked with determining the constitutionality of the restriction on access to prescription information with regards to our First Amendment. [3]

However, this post is focused on the secondary effects asserted in amici curiae briefs supporting the petitioners of allowing companies to purchase such information, specifically the concern of data privacy and patient re-identification. [4] Under the Health Information Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), personal health information is de-identified by your local pharmacy prior to such information being shared with any third party. By de-identifying the data, your personal data cannot, it is believed, be linked or traced back to you. De-identifying your health information is a way for covered entities to share your information without your consent or authorization and in accordance with the law. The information once shared is completely anonymized. After the transfer to a third party, like IMS Health, your information is solely data of zeros and ones that translate to dates of dispensing and drug names. No longer does your prescription record list your name or month or day of birth. [5]

Briefs in the case assert that data mining firms could, hypothetically, create profiles based on these de-identified prescription records. Such prescription profiles would constitute certain patient’s prescription habits, including an individual’s medication types, pharmacies visited and dates dispensed. The briefs argue that linking and mining further public information to these drug profiles could result in patient re-identification.

IMS Health, Inc., of course, asserts that it has no knowledge of any patient re-identification and it protects such records with all the security privacy measures set forth under HIPAA and as strengthened by Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health Act (HITECH). So what is the issue, I ask?

A pharmaceutical company does not need nor want to know who you are. Aggregate data is more beneficial to a marketing company, rather than just one record with your name on it. What benefit would a company get from a record that says, John Doe, DOB: 01-Jan-1984? The company could send you a mailer, but under the current regulations, you can opt out of the marketing material and it stops there. However, what helps a pharmaceutical company is aggregate datasets that say Dr. Jane Doe, MD writes 100 scripts for Lipitor ® a month. No one cares if the patients are unidentifiable, and most likely, the pharmaceutical company wants to keep it that way. Not only will the de-identified data be cheaper to buy, but it also assures the third party purchasing the data that it is not aiding a HIPAA violation.

Last, it is also asserted that there is no penalty for re-identification of personal health data, but there are stark penalties under HIPAA for “a person who knowingly … (1) uses or causes to be used a unique health identifier; (2) obtains individually identifiable health information relating to an individual; or (3) discloses individually identifiable health information to another person.” [6] If the offense is committed with the intent to sell, transfer or use the individually identifiable health information for commercial advantage, the penalty could be up to $250,000 and 10 years imprisonment. [7] If claims are brought against companies, like IMS Health, the companies will surely argue they are not covered entities subject to the penalties under HIPAA; however, this does not prevent civil lawsuits against them.

What will happen if a breach occurs due to patient re-identification? Most likely, the current healthcare environment where many companies are acting under corporate integrity agreements or deferred prosecution agreements, promotes reporting, if not out of altruistic purpose at least a compliance purpose. With this said, once reported to both the Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Civil Rights, as well as, in most states, the Secretary of state, privacy and confidentiality laws require notification to be provided to the patient that has been re-identified. This patient whose privacy rights have been infringed can then bring an individual civil claim against the organization responsible for the disclosure of their health information as well as the collateral damages caused by the unauthorized disclosure. Now, what company today wants to get involved with this type of bad publicity?

In conclusion, just because the possibility exists that a patient can be re-identified with data mining practices, does not mean that our current environment will foster such. The nine Justices of the Supreme Court need to be more concerned with the First Amendment and the commercial speech implications of their ruling, rather than amici curiae briefs supporting public policy positions based on unwarranted fears of patient information disclosure.[8]

I therefore urge you to put yourself in the role of your favorite Justice and consider if you should be more concerned that a company is going to buy your prescription records and try to determine that you took amoxicillin for a sinus infection when you were five years old, or if that company would rather purchase all the information you posted on Facebook ® or other social networking sites, including all the locations you have checked in. Which do you think is more useful to market its products? It is with this mindset that you must consider if the regulation directly advances the governmental interest “in protecting the public health of Vermonters, … the privacy of prescribers and prescribing information” and is no more extensive than necessary to serve that interest. [9]

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[1] Petition for Writ of Certiorari, Sorrel v. IMS Health, Inc., 131 S. Ct. 857, No. 10-779, Dec. 13, 2010.

[2] Vt. Stat. Ann. tit. 18, § 4631 (2010).

[3] See Central Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n of N.Y., 447 U.S. 557 (1980).

[4] Brief of Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) et. al. as Amici curiae supporting Petitioners, Sorrel v. IMS Health, Inc., 131 S. Ct. 857, (2011) (No. 10-779), 24-9, available at, http://www.atg.state.vt.us/assets/files/10-779%20EPIC%20amicus%20Sorrell.pdf; Latanya Sweeney, Simple Demographics Often Identify People Uniquely (Carnegie Mellon University, Data Privacy Working Paper No. 3, 2000), available at, http://dataprivacylab.org/projects/identifiability/paper1.pdf.

[5] Privacy Rule of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA), Pub. L. No. 104-191 (1996), 45 C.F.R. §§ 164.312(e)(2)(ii), 164.514(b)(2)(i) (2010).

[6] 42 U.S.C. § 1320d-6(a)(1)-(3).

[7] Id. § 1320d-6(b).

[8] Brief of Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) et. al. as Amici curiae supporting petitioners, Sorrel, 131 S. Ct. 857, (No. 10-779).

[9] See Vt. Acts & Resolves No. 80, § 17 (2007) (Confidentiality of Prescription Information); Vt. Acts & Resolves No. 89, § 3 (2008) (amending Act 80).

The FDA’s Move to Combat Prescription Drug Abuse: Educating Patients and Physicians

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) announced a new risk-reduction program this month to help curb abuse of prescription painkillers. The program, called the Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy (REMS), is targeted at manufacturers of long-acting and extended-release opioids. It requires that these manufacturers develop new medication guides for patients and educational materials for prescribing physicians. Each company has 120 days to submit materials to the FDA for review.

According to the FDA, the focus of the REMS plan is to educate doctors about proper pain management and patient selection, and to improve patient awareness about how to use these drugs safely. The medication guides for patients should include consumer friendly language that explains safe use and disposal. The drugs targeted by the REMS plan include oxycodone, methadone and morphine.

As the plan stands now, physicians are not required to review the educational materials. To help generate interest, the FDA plans to offer continuing education credits for physicians who receive the education. The ultimate goal is to make this training mandatory through congressional approval that would link the training to licensing for physicians who prescribe controlled substances.

The FDA hopes that REMS education will cut down the misuse of prescription painkillers without restricting access. There are an estimated one million emergency room visits a year as a result of prescription drug abuse, and the FDA estimates that more than 33 million Americans misused opioids during 2007. That same year, deaths from drug overdose were second only to motor vehicle crashes among leading causes of unintentional injury death in the U.S.

Encouraging safe disposal of medications is key. Over half of all nonmedical painkiller users get their pills “from a friend or relative for free.” Doctors have also been found to prescribe more doses of painkillers than patients actually use, and patients don’t always dispose of unused medications properly.

What can you do to help combat prescription drug abuse? The Drug Enforcement Administration is sponsoring the second National Prescription Drug Take-Back Day this Saturday. You can find a collection site near you by clicking here. Last year, more than 121 tons of prescription drugs were collected at nearly 4,100 locations. It’s a good reason to extend that spring cleaning to your medicine cabinet!

Discount Prescription Program Available To Some Locals

Listen up, Hoboken, Newark, and Orange residents.  There’s a new prescription discount program in town: Coast2Coast Rx Card.  Well, the program isn’t all that new to the area: Newark launched it last year and Hoboken launched it in January.  However, I didn’t learn about Coast2Coast Rx Card until I filled a prescription at my local CVS last month.  Since my prescription wasn’t covered by my health insurance (I always joke to the pharmacist that it kind of defeats the purpose of having health insurance, but I never get any laughs), I was bracing myself for the out-of-pocket cost.  So imagine my surprise when the pharmacist said that I owed $35 instead of $50.  When I pointed out the “mistake,” I was handed a Coast2Coast Rx Card.

While it isn’t a substitute for health insurance, the free Card does offer discounts on prescription drugs, laboratory tests, and imaging tests.  Specifically, the Card boasts such features as:

• 59,000+ participating pharmacies including all major chains and most independents
• Over 60,000 drugs included in formulary
• Save up to 65% on a brand name or generic drugs
• Overall annual savings range from 30% to 45%
• Card is good for an entire family
• Cardholder pays no fees for the card
• No paperwork to fill out — card is ready to use
• There are no health, age or income restrictions; everyone qualifies
• Card has no expiration date and can be used as often as needed
• Card can be used to fill pet prescriptions at participating pharmacies
• Card is primarily for uninsured although insureds can use the card if they have a high deductible
• Insureds can use the card if their drug isn’t covered by their insurance
• In some instances the card can be used during the Medicare Part D “donut hole.”
• Cardholder information is held confidential and is not used for any other purpose.
• The card includes 50%-80% discounts on lab and imaging tests

According to The Florida Times-Union, Financial Marketing Concepts, Inc. (FMC), a Florida-based company, issues the Card on behalf of WellDyneRx, a national pharmacy benefit management company.  In the past three years, FMC has secured agreements with 57 cities and counties in Alabama, Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Texas (which may or may not look something like this.)  These agreements give FMC a small fee for each prescription filled through the program.  FMC in turn passes along a royalty to the city or county.

If you’re like me, you may already be in the habit of calling pharmacies and comparing the cost of prescriptions, regardless of whether or not your health insurance covers them — and it’s surprising how the cost can vary.  So if you live in Hoboken, Newark, or Orange, be sure to check out whether the Card gives you any discounts.  Can’t hurt.

High School Just Says No to Medical Marijuana

Remember the “Just Say No” and D.A.R.E. anti-drug campaigns way back in the day?  I do.  That’s when the high school kids would come to my elementary school, put on a play, and divide us into small groups for a talk on how we shouldn’t use drugs.  I think there was even a song in there somewhere.  Remember those bizarre zero-tolerance policy stories too?  The ones about a middle school student who was suspended for touching and refusing a proffered Adderall pill or a little kid who was suspended for bringing a camping utensil to school and then required to attend an alternative school for 45 days?

So what should parents and teachers do when a high school student may legally take medical marijuana lozenges to treat diaphragmatic and axial myoclonus, a rare condition which causes him to suffer seizures that can last for 24 hours, but may not legally do so when the seizures occur at school?  As The Colorado Independent reports, that’s the question facing a Colorado Springs teenager who needs to take such lozenges for seizures that can happen without warning and a high school that doesn’t want him to have the lozenges on its property.

You see, 15 states - Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii, Maine, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Washington — and the District of Columbia have legalized medical marijuana.  Nine states — Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Maryland, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, and Oklahoma — have similar legislation pending.  In November 2000, 54% of Colorado voters approved the legalization of medical marijuana through Ballot Amendment 20.  The law went into effect on June 1, 2001.  (Nine years later, Governor Bill Ritter signed House Bill 1284 and Senate Bill 109 into law, providing a regulatory framework for dispensaries and addressing potential fraud and abuse.)

The Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment (CDPHE) maintains the Medical Marijuana Registry program which accepts and processes applications for Registry Identification cards.  The registration process is fairly straightforward.  Under 5 CCR 1006-2, an adult patient/applicant (over the age of 18) must submit a notarized application which includes name, address, date of birth, Social Security number, name and address of primary-care giver (if applicable), written documentation from the applicant’s physician confirming his or her debilitating medical condition, name and address of the applicant’s physician, and a copy of an identity document.  For a minor patient/applicant (under the age of 18), a parent residing in Colorado must submit written consent and the applicant’s name, address, date of birth, Social Security number, written documentation from two of the applicant’s physicians confirming his or her debilitating medical condition, the name and address of the two physicians, consent from the applicant’s parents residing in Colorado, and documentation from one of the physicians about the risks/benefits of the medical marijuana treatment.

In June 2010, CDPHE reported that 95,477 Coloradan patients possess valid Registry Identification cards… and only 24 of those patients — a mere 0.0251%  — are minors.  However, if you read the fine print in C.R.S.A. § 25-1.5-106(12)(B)(IV), you’ll note that “[a] patient or primary caregiver shall not: possess medical marijuana or otherwise engage in the use of medical marijuana in or on the grounds of a school or in a school bus.”  What should minors do if they’re still in school and need to take their medicine?

So maybe the Colorado Springs high school isn’t without reason for prohibiting this student from bringing his lozenges onto its property.  It’s an oversight on the part of the legislature to be sure and I wonder if any of the other 23 registered minors have experienced similar problems.  The obvious compromise would be to allow the student to go home and take his medicine as needed — The Colorado Independent reports that he switched schools last year to be closer to home for this very reason — and then return to school.  Yet until this past week the school told the student that this wasn’t an option.  Besides, it’s not a wholly satisfactory compromise if the student has to walk home while having a seizure.

Pharma Coupons: Enriching the Drug Companies

A recent New York Times article highlighted an increasing trend in pharmaceutical consumerism.  Many drug companies are providing copayment or coinsurance payment assistance.  These subsidies now exist “for about half of the top 100 brand-name drugs sold in this country,” according to health analyst Richard Evans of Sector & Sovereign Research.  Some patients receive copayment cards or coupons from their physicians while others find them on the internet.

So what’s the big deal?  Insurance companies use cost sharing to encourage patient selection of less-costly therapeutic options.  Pricing differences influence consumer choices; The American Journal of Managed Care reported in 2005 that most studies of cost sharing and prescription purchasing estimate that a 10% increase in price would decrease consumer use by 1-4%.  As NPR reported, “[t]he copay strategy worked so well that in 2003, more than half of all drugs picked up at pharmacies were generics.”

In mid-2006, pharmaceutical companies introduced coupons to reduce beneficiaries’ out-of-pocket costs for expensive drugs.  The “pharmaceutical subsidies” act as a counter-incentive, steering patients toward more expensive drugs–which wind up costing the consumer less– or zero–out-of-pocket.  As a result, the use of pharmaceutical copayment cards or coupons has tripled since their inception.

Financial Assistance or Greedy Marketing?

According to the NY Times, “[d]rug companies say the [copayment assistance] plans help some patients afford medicines that they otherwise could not.”  However, this seemingly altruistic explanation rings–shall we say– like something less than the entire truth.  For starters, these coupons are widely available on the internet and physicians who distribute the cards do not screen patients for financial need.  As the NYTimes reports,

Executives at Medicis, the company that sells Solodyn, have told investors that the co-payment card is used by an “overwhelming majority” of patients, and is largely responsible for doubling use of the drug, to 26,000 prescriptions a week.

That sounds like brilliant marketing, not need-based financial assistance.

Also, when we think of those who are most in need, we often think (rightly or wrongly) of the uninsured, the poor and the elderly — none of whom benefit from the pharmaceutical subsidy!  As the Amgen First Step Program website states, it is “a medical benefit co-pay coupon program to help commercially insured eligible patients with their deductible, co-insurance, and/or co-pay requirements” for listed drugs.  Excluded from the program are the uninsured or those in publicly funded health insurance plans.

It is unsurprising that the uninsured are excluded from participation.  According to Joshua Schimmer, a biotechnology analyst, “it seems the best strategy for a pharmaceutical company is to price their drug as high as they possibly can and offer that co-pay assistance broadly.”  For example, over the past five years, Jazz Pharmaceuticals has quadrupled the price of its narcolepsy drug Xyrem, while increasing copayment assistance to a maximum $1,200 a month.  In order for the pricing system to work, pharmaceutical companies rely on consumers to choose the subsidized drug and insurers to foot the increased bill.

It is likewise unsurprising that the publicly insured are excluded, but for a very different reason; to offer subsidies to Medicare or Medicaid patients would be illegal.  Under 42 U.S.C. § 1320a-7b (1),(2), the knowing and willful offer, payment, or receipt of any remuneration in return for the purchase of any good “for which payment may be made in whole or in part under a Federal health care program” is a felony punishable by up to $25,000 or five years imprisonment.  Illegal remuneration includes “waiver of coinsurance and deductible amounts (or any part thereof)…”  (§ 1320a-7a (i)(6)).

So What’s the Big Deal?

The pharmaceutical copay cards and coupons are a big problem.  First, they circumvent the cost sharing structures established by health insurance plans, raising systemic health costs.  As the NYTimes reported:

“The member is somewhat insulated from the cost of the prescription,” said Kevin Slavik, senior director of pharmacy at the Health Care Service Corporation, which runs Blue Cross and Blue Shield plans in Illinois and three other states. “In essence, it drives up the total cost of providing the prescription benefit.”

That increased cost is passed on to the privately insured in the form of increased premiums and to the public through increased taxes.  As Eileen Wood, vice president of the Capital District Physicians’ Health Plan, told NPR in 2009:

those coupons come with a consequence. If everyone started using coupons to get the more expensive drugs, “we’d have to raise premiums,” she says. “There’s no question about that.”

Furthermore, publicly funded plans must also pay the increased price of prescription drug benefit, which is passed on to taxpayers.  Any benefit to the coupon user in the form of reduced out-of-pocket expenses is diminished by higher premiums and taxes.  In the final analysis, the only real beneficiaries of these “pharmaceutical subsidies” are the drug companies who offer them.

Moving Forward

This issue is not one that is likely to disappear.  Currently, Massachusetts is the only state that does not allow pharmaceutical coupons; it is possible that other states or the federal government will follow suit.  As for insurers, some may begin requiring patients to try generic drugs first, as Capital District Physicians’ Health Plan has, or simply drop coverage of these drugs altogether.  Either way, drug company coupons will remain a topic to watch in 2011.

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