How Much Does PPACA Really Benefit Women?

A recent article by the Commonwealth Fund entitled Realizing Health Reform’s Potential: Women and the Affordable Care Act of 2010¸forecast that “over the next decade, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) is likely to stabilize and reverse women’s growing exposure to health care costs.”  However, a review of the claimed benefits shows that many are equally important to men and women.

Such claims of gender-specific benefits without statistical support are also available from the White house.  That being said, there are some provisions that will greatly benefit women — and to supporters’ detriment — have not received the focus that they should.

Intended Benefits

Several portions of PPACA are intended to benefit women.  The prohibitions against gender-based insurance denials or premium pricing are aimed at combating blatant gender-discrimination in the insurance market.  7.3 million women (38%) in the individual insurance market reported that they were turned down, charged a higher price, or had a preexisting condition excluded from coverage (see graphic below).  As the White House reports, “Right now, a healthy 22-year-old woman can be charged premiums 150 percent higher than a 22-year-old man.”  Such gender-based rating is allowed in 42 states, with some plans charging women as much as 84% more than men for the same age group.  As Secretary Sebelius phrased it, “[b]eing a woman is no longer a pre-existing condition!”

S. Collins, S. Rustgi, and M. Doty, Realizing Health Reform’s Potential: Women and the Affordable Care Act of 2010, The Commonwealth Fund, July 2010.

The essential benefits standards require insurers to cover maternity care, eliminating previously reported pregnancy-discrimination.  Only 13 percent of plans sold in the individual market provide maternity benefits and “in 22 states, no plan covered costs related to pregnancy.”  Other plans impede access to maternity benefits by placing severe limits on costs covered or implementing long waiting periods before coverage begins.

Other services that must be covered by all non-grandfathered health plans beginning September 2010 include:

• Breast cancer screening every one to two years for women age 40 and older
• Cervical cancer screening
• Genetic counseling for the breast cancer (BRCA) gene
• Osteoporosis screening for all women 65 and older, and 60 and older for those at high risk
• Aspirin to prevent cardiovascular disease in women ages 55 to 79

PPACA has several other provisions focused on breast cancer–including, “a special provision directed at raising awareness of, and increasing screening for, breast cancer in young women,” and a directive to pursue breast cancer prevention research in younger women.

Section 4207 of PPACA amends Section 7 of the Fair Labor Standards Act (”FLSA”) by requiring employers to provide “reasonable break time for an employee to express breast milk for her nursing child for 1 year after the child’s birth each time such employee has need to express the milk… [in] a place, other than a bathroom, that is shielded from view and free from intrusion from coworkers and the public…”  The Department of Labor Fact Sheet #73 further explains that a space temporarily converted or made available will be sufficient.

Unintended Benefits

The ban on pre-existing conditions exclusions will remedy a number of  unfair and discriminatory insurance industry practices. It will benefit women in the eight states and District of Columbia where insurers may legally reject a woman’s application on the basis of her prior experience as a victim of domestic violence.  It will also benefit women who would have been previously denied, on the basis of a previous cesarean section, either future C-sections or health insurance as a whole.

Also, the phase-out of the “doughnut hole” coverage gap in the Medicare prescription drug benefit )Part D) will incidentally help more women than men.  Of the 16% of Medicare beneficiaries that reach the doughnut hole each year, women (along with Alzheimer’s and diabetes patients) are the most likely to reach the gap in coverage.

Benefits for Men

So how do men benefit from PPACA?  For starters more men will benefit from the extended health insurance coverage mandated by PPACA.  Although women comprise 60% of adult Medicaid beneficiaries (in 2006), 54.6% of all uninsured are men (in 2007-2008).  The Medicaid safety net has caught more women than men.  However, that is a completely different social discussion to be had another day.

*Note: uncited statistics can be found in the Commonwealth Fund article, S. Collins, S. Rustgi, and M. Doty, Realizing Health Reform’s Potential: Women and the Affordable Care Act of 2010, The Commonwealth Fund, July 2010.

“The alternate approach to medical marijuana distribution,” an op-ed by Kate Greenwood featured in The Record

[Ed. Note: This op-ed piece was featured in The Record's Sunday Editorial Page and on North Jersey.com. It was written by Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law & Policy Research Fellow and regular Health Reform Watch blogger, Kate Greenwood]

WE FEEL there is no question about it: The careful, legal distribution of medicinal marijuana to those in need is a good thing. The New Jersey Legislature agreed and passed legislation permitting distribution last January. Then-Gov. Jon Corzine signed the measure before leaving office.

But Governor Christie has requested a delay in its implementation, and a proposal to modify the system of distribution is cause for concern.

More than a year ago, Seton Hall Law’s Center for Health and Pharmaceutical Law and Policy distributed a position paper to New Jersey lawmakers urging passage of the marijuana measure, called the “New Jersey Compassionate Use Medical Marijuana Act.” The center did so citing the inclusion of “multiple measures designed to reduce the risk of abuse or diversion” and noting that “the medical literature supports the conclusion that smoked marijuana can provide relief to patients suffering from debilitating medical conditions for whom conventional treatments have failed.”

Implementation delayed

The act was to have taken effect this month, but, in response to a request from Christie, the Legislature pushed back the effective date to October.

As passed, the act provides that medical marijuana be grown and distributed by six not-for-profit “alternative treatment centers.”

But now, the New Jersey Council of Teaching Hospitals has proposed that the act be amended — before it is even implemented to provide that medical marijuana instead be grown by Rutgers University and distributed by the state’s teaching hospitals.

While hospitals are, as the Council of Teaching Hospitals points out, experienced dispensers of medicine, the act should not be rewritten to require them to dispense medical marijuana.

The passage of the act affects the rights and responsibilities of patients and providers of medical marijuana under New Jersey law; it does not change the fact that distribution and use of marijuana are illegal under federal law.

Although Attorney General Eric Holder has pledged not to prosecute patients and providers who comply with applicable state laws, and hospitals could thus dispense medical marijuana without fear of criminal prosecution, they would still be violating federal law.

Condition of participation

This is a problem because compliance with federal law is a condition of participation in the Medicaid and Medicare programs. Hospitals depend heavily on Medicaid and Medicare funding; the Compassionate Use Act’s alternative treatment centers would not.

Read More

Our Own Devices

Health care finance is always going to be a contentious topic. Two recent stories about devices in health care show the unexpected ways in which technological innovation can generate new burdens, worries, and ethical dilemmas for patients and their families.

Katy Butler authored a heart-rending account of her father’s decline (and her mother’s near-exhaustion as a caregiver) in the NYT last week. Her father’s stroke changed both his and Butler’s mother’s lives:

The day before [the stroke], my mother was an upper-middle-class housewife who practiced calligraphy in her spare time. Afterward, she was one of tens of millions of people in America, most of them women, who help care for an older family member.

The story of what happens next is long and complex, but for health policy makers the nub comes down to a decision the family must make about whether to implant a permanent pacemaker when her father needs surgery to repair a hernia:

[T]he cardiologist, John Rogan, refused to clear my dad for surgery unless he received a pacemaker. . ..  The decision fell to my mother — anxious to relieve my father’s pain, exhausted with caregiving, deferential to doctors and no expert on high-tech medicine. She said yes. One of the most important medical decisions of my father’s life was over in minutes. . . .

[If my father's primary care physician had] had the chance to sit down with my parents, he could have explained that the pacemaker’s battery would last 10 years and asked whether my father wanted to live to be 89 in his nearly mute and dependent state. He could have discussed the option of using a temporary external pacemaker that, I later learned, could have seen my dad safely through surgery. But my mother never consulted Fales. And the system would have effectively penalized him if she had. Medicare would have paid him a standard office-visit rate of $54 for what would undoubtedly have been a long meeting — and nothing for phone calls to work out a plan with Rogan and the surgeon.

Medicare has made minor improvements since then, and in the House version of the health care reform bill debated last year, much better payments for such conversations were included. But after the provision was distorted as reimbursement for “death panels,” it was dropped. In my father’s case, there was only a brief informed-consent process, covering the boilerplate risks of minor surgery, handled by the general surgeon.

Butler’s family’s situation was clearly a troubling one. I do not agree with her harsher critics, who charge the New York Times has used her story to promote its political agenda:

The New York Times is continuing its promotion of the Obama administration’s cost-cutting health care legislation three months after it was signed into law. Central to the newspaper’s support for the bill is its drive to cut back on “unnecessary” treatments and procedures and to target for elimination “overly generous” insurance benefits. . . . The article is a cynical attempt to utilize the author’s family’s personal story—unarguably tragic and heartrending—to make the case that artificial pacemakers are being widely over-utilized.

But I was also troubled by Butler’s quoting the following studies:

In a 1997 study in The Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 30 percent of seriously ill people surveyed in a hospital said they would “rather die” than live permanently in a nursing home. In a 2008 study in The Journal of the American College of Cardiology, 28 percent of patients with advanced heart failure said they would trade one day of excellent health for another two years in their current state.

I have not experienced “advanced heart failure,” but I know people who do, and it’s inconceivable to me that they would trade a day of “perfect health” for two months, much less two years, of stasis. Moreover, as Alasdair MacIntyre argues in his book Dependent Rational Animals, caring for others and being dependent are essential, important human experiences.

As I read Butler’s piece, I kept wishing that society had done more (perhaps along the lines of Britain’s Social Care programs) to help her family.

But even some forms of aid for the cared for (and their caregivers) are filled with philosophical complexities. Consider the Paro, a robotic seal I blogged about in last month and back in 2006. The Paro has been approved as “a Class 2 medical device (a category that includes powered wheelchairs)” to help soothe elderly patients. Here is one example of its powers:

One recent morning, staff at Marian Manor in Pittsburgh, one of Vincentian Collaborative’s homes, circulated three Paros among residents gathered for a sing-a-long. As 77-year-old Anita Biro sat down at a table, she berated two fellow residents and told them to leave, recalls Beth Kuenzi, activities manager for the home’s dementia unit. But when Ms. Kuenzi put Paro in front of Ms. Biro, her mood changed. As Ms. Biro stroked the robot’s synthetic fur, the machine batted its eyelashes and tracked movement with its head and eyes.

“I love this baby,” Ms. Biro cooed. Aides also take Paro to residents’ rooms to get them to socialize. At another Vincentian home, Lois Simmeth, 73, doesn’t always participate in group activities, but she ventures into the hall when she hears Paro’s sounds.

“I love animals,” explains Ms. Simmeth. She whispered to the robot in her lap: “I know you’re not real, but somehow, I don’t know, I love you.”

MIT Professor Sherry Turkle concedes that the Paro has some very good effects, but wonders “Why are we so willing to provide our parents, then ourselves, with faux relationships?” Another article explores advances in “building a machine that fills the basic human need for companionship.” Turkle, again, questions the larger social context:

[S]ome social critics see the use of robots with such patients as a sign of the low status of the elderly, especially those with dementia. As the technology improves . . . it will only grow more tempting to substitute Paro and its ilk for a family member, friend — or actual pet — in an ever-widening number of situations.

“Paro is the beginning,” she said. “It’s allowing us to say, ‘A robot makes sense in this situation.’ But does it really? And then what? What about a robot that reads to your kid? A robot you tell your troubles to? Who among us will eventually be deserving enough to deserve people?”

These are all fantastic questions, all-too-ready to be answered by techno-libertarian fantasists. I look forward to tracing the degree to which the decision to approve Paro as a covered device could reflect the larger ethical concerns explored by Dov Fox in his piece on the “gap between ethics and law” in other health decisionmaking.

Obama Grants Gays Hospital Visitation & Care Decision Rights

Recently, President Obama submitted a memorandum to the Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, granting gay and lesbian partners of hospital patients visiting rights and the right to be acknowledged as persons designated to dictate care choices for patients incapable of making such decisions.  The action was said to have been spurred by the story of a lesbian woman Janice Langbehn who was denied visitation when her partner was admitted to Jackson Memorial Hospital in Miami after she suddenly collapsed.  The patient later died, and Langbehn was not by her side due to the hospital’s policy of allowing only family members visitation rights.

In his memorandum, the President took account of such personal stories and requested that the Secretary of HHS take steps towards ameliorating the issue by ensuring that all hospitals participating in Medicare and Medicaid respect the rights of patients to designate their visitors and care coordinators in the event of incapacitation.  A partner in a gay relationship, thus,  could be one specified in advance directives and health care proxies.

The President stated that visitation privileges may no longer be denied “on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability.” Specifications regarding whether or not a line will be drawn between unmarried partners and non-intimate relationships were not included in the memorandum; however, it did mention that HHS would be responsible for determining the technical aspects of implementing the grant.

Interestingly,  response from conservative groups was not particularly adverse. Perhaps the spectre of refusing to allow death bed visitations between partners, such as Ms. Langbehn’s ordeal, loomed as a form of cruelty difficult to countenance. The NY Times noted that

The socially conservative Family Research Council issued a statement calling the issue of medical rights for gay men and lesbians “a complete red herring” but saying it had “no objection” to individuals conferring decision-making powers to whomever they wish.

The Obama Administration reached out to groups like Catholic Health Association before releasing the memorandum in an attempt to ensure that the grant would not face any obstacles within the religious community. The Catholic Health Association noted that the order “reaffirmed basic human rights for each person at most critical points of their lives.”  The NY Times further noted that the group’s president, Sister Carol Keehan, stated “Everybody in this country has a right to say, If I can’t speak for myself, this is the person I want to speak for me.”

Who’s the New Guy? – Obama Announces Choice for Next CMS Director

President Obama has announced his choice for the position of director of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), Dr. Donald Berwick, a pediatrician, professor, and advocate of improving patient care.  The CMS has been without a permanent administrator since 2006.  Berwick, whose appointment must be approved by the Senate before he may assume the position, certainly has the credentials for the important role the CMS director will surely play in the coming years.  Still, whether Republican Senators will be basing their confirmation decision on credentials or resentment of health care reform’s passage is yet to be seen.

Berwick is best known for founding the Institute for Health Care Improvement.  The Institute for Health Care Improvement is a non-profit think tank that is dedicated to helping hospitals improve their patient care delivery.  As attested to by the Institute’s co-founder Dr. Paul Batalden, Berwick takes incremental approaches to improving patient care that are cost-effective and do not lead to the rationing of care.  For example, Berwick finds that reducing the prevalence of hospital-acquired infections through something as small as keeping medical equipment sterile can help to bring down the rate of medical errors.

Berwick is also a proponent of utilizing medical information sharing, and is often called blunt in regard to how he finds the American health care system inefficient in delivering patient care.  Additionally, Berwick has advocated for patient rights on numerous levels, using a philosophy of patient-centered medicine.  He wants doctors to be rewarded based on the health care outcomes of their patients instead of how many procedures a doctor has performed. Having a leader interested in implementing infrstructural changes which incentivize outcomes as opposed to procedures as paydays without regard to outcome, is, many think, a step in the right direction. It is also worth noting that Berwick himself will be taking more than a 66% pay cut if he is appointed as the director of the CMS.

While Berwick may not have functioned as the head of a health care system in his career, he is not new to the world of national health policy.  In 1998, he was on President Clinton’s advisory commission that recommended ways to reduce medical mistakes and ensure consumer protection in the American health care system.  And also served at that same time as  Chair of the agency that is now known as the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Berwick has also played a part in improving Britain’s National Health Service, for which he was given an honorary knighthood by Queen Elizabeth II.

Since Obama’s health care overhaul “contemplates key roles for both programs in extending insurance coverage to 32 million people at a cost of $938 billion over 10 years,” if selected to be the CMS’s director, Berwick will certainly need to bring his A-game in helping change the way our current health care system consumes Medicare and Medicaid resources.  Many also hope that good Medicare reforms will start a trend, motivating private insurance companies to also make cost-saving changes.  Before that challenge, Berwick will have to get past a Senate confirmation.  Republican Senators are likely going to make the process a rigorous one, where they will grill Berwick on how exactly he plans to effect the new health care reform legislation.

Given the importance of the CMS and the fact that it currently has no director, it would behoove the Senate to quicken the process of Berwick’s selection, considering his credentials and commitment to the rights and needs of American patients.  As the Washington Post said, “supporters and opponents of the new health-care legislation ought to be able to agree that leaving the agency without a confirmed head is not healthy.”  The job needs to be filled, and instead of using political tactics through rehashing the health care reform debate, the Senate should focus on the many qualities that Berwick has to offer.

Medicaid Cuts: Where’s the Outrage?

If Medicare services or provider rates were cut, or threatened to be cut to balance the budget, the firestorm would be epic.  Republicans would accuse Democrats suggesting such cuts of stealing from the elderly.  Democrats would accuse Republicans suggesting such cuts of trying to abolish Medicare.  AARP would express outrage, and if it didn’t do so loudly enough tea partiers would urge seniors to burn their AARP cards in an incongruous support of a government health care program.  So where’s the outrage when states faced with budget cuts look first to cut Medicare’s sister program, Medicaid?

A front page story in the New York Times on Tuesday describes cuts in Michigan’s Medicaid budget, resulting in the elimination of some services and reductions in provider fees.  As Medicaid fees were already absurdly low in Michigan, as in many states, the predictable response was that the pool of doctors available to Medicaid beneficiaries shrank even further.  Those lucky enough to find a doctor willing to take the low Medicaid reimbursement must be willing to travel long distances, and give up days of work to get necessary care for their sick children.  The Times described one such case:

Medicaid enrollees in Michigan’s midsection have grown accustomed to long journeys for care. This month, Shannon M. Brown of Winn skipped work to drive her 8-year-old son more than two hours for a five-minute consultation with Dr. Mukkamala. Her pediatrician could not find a specialist any closer who would take Medicaid, she said.

Later this month, she will take the predawn drive again so Dr. Mukkamala can remove her son’s tonsils and adenoids. “He’s going to have to sit in the car for three hours after his surgery,” Mrs. Brown said. “I’m not looking forward to that one.”

Those who can’t locate a participating physician either do without or wait for the condition to become emergent, at which time they seek more expensive hospital care.  How can this program be so dysfunctional?   The Kaiser Family Foundation, in a report posted last month, described the countercyclical nature of Medicaid’s finance structure:

During an economic downturn, unemployment rises and puts upward pressure on Medicaid. As individuals lose employer sponsored insurance and incomes decline, Medicaid enrollment and therefore spending increase. At the same time, revenue losses make it more difficult for states to pay their share of Medicaid spending increases. Specifically, a 1 percentage point increase in the national unemployment rate is estimated to result in 1 million more Medicaid and CHIP enrollees and an additional 1.1 million uninsured at the same time as state revenues are projected to fall by 3 to 4%.

So, states need to increase funding for Medicaid just when they are losing tax revenues and are facing pressures in other public service settings.  As KFF describes in the report, the problem this year was lessened somewhat by the addition of federal stimulus funding; the funding was apparently not enough to support the program in Michigan, and in any event will not persist nearly as long as states’ projected budget problems.

This is not a new problem.  It has often been noted that a health care system for poor people is a poor health system.  The reasons are, unfortunately, quite clear.  Medicare serves (mostly) the elderly of all income groups.  This is a politically powerful bloc: its members vote, and enough of them are financially and socially powerful to protect their turf.  Medicaid covers low-income people, including our lowest wage-earners, poor children, and people with permanent disabilities.  They have little social clout, by definition little money, and not much in the way of a lobby.  So, when times get hard, their programs are on the line.

That brings us to health reform.  The current bills rely heavily on Medicaid to bring coverage to the uninsured.  That is, as the above discussion makes clear, a risky proposition.  In its several forms, current reform bills have promised some increases, often temporary, to the federal share of states’ Medicaid costs.  And in a letter to Congressional leaders following a summit earlier this month, the President acknowledged the precariousness of the network of providers on whom we’ll rely to render that expansion more than a charade:

At the meeting, Senator Grassley raised a concern, shared by many Democrats, that Medicaid reimbursements to doctors are inadequate in many states, and that if Medicaid is expanded to cover more people, we should consider increasing doctor reimbursement. I’m open to exploring ways to address this issue in a fiscally responsible manner.

That would be a good step.  So would increasing the federal share of Medicaid’s costs.  If the current fiscal crisis has shown us anything about our federalist system, it is that the federal government, with its ability to borrow,  is much better at responding to emergencies than are the states, with their obligations to balance budgets annually.  But ultimately, a program for poor people will always have political, and therefore fiscal problems.

For reform to stick, for expansion of coverage to the poor and near-poor to genuinely serve their health needs over time, we have to tend structurally to our funding system.  The achievement of expansion to near-universal coverage would be a statement of solidarity, proclaiming that we’re all in this together.  To make that stick, we have to be in our health care financing system together.  There will be a list of clean-up work and next steps if and when reform passes.  High on that list should be the repair of Medicaid’s shaky fiscal foundation, integrating the interests of Americans across class and income levels.  When they’re considering reductions in access to health care, legislators should be just as cautious about harming kids in Flint as they are about harming elders in Scarsdale.

While Medicaid Enrollment Rates Increase, States Face Financial Pressure to Decrease State Medicaid Spending

Last week, the Kaiser Family Foundation released a report indicating a large jump in state Medicaid enrollment from June 2008 to June 2009.  The report said that the 7.5 percent increase was the greatest one-year jump in enrollment rates ever, with over 3 million people joining the public health program funded jointly by the federal government and individual state governments.  The reason for the increase  is thought to be that because more people became unemployed due to the economic crash, more individuals turned to Medicaid for health coverage.  However, because the economic downturn meant less revenue entering into state budgets, state Medicaid programs have not been able to keep up with the rise in new enrollees.

During a convening of state governors at the White House this week, state officials will likely raise the issue of Medicaid spending. The issue is pressing in light of the impending funding cut when stimulus money from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 will expire in December of this year.  The governors will likely ask that the stimulus funding be continued until states can somehow make up for their large current budget deficits.  In addition to asking for more money, the governors will also likely discuss the feasibility of health care reform efforts.  With both House and Senate versions of health care reform proposing increases to state Medicaid programs to ensure the coverage of more uninsured individuals, the state governors would, understandably, like to know where the money for such expansion would come from.

The National Association of State Medicaid Directors estimates that states’ budgets will fall  short  $140 billion in the next fiscal year.  This means even less money for the likely further increase in Medicaid enrollment to come this year, as Medicaid enrollment generally lags behind unemployment.  To account for the deficit, many states are planning to reduce their Medicaid programs. USA Today finds that three categories of such reductions exist:

• California, Arizona and Virginia propose reducing who’s eligible. In Arizona, 310,000 people would lose coverage. California also wants to increase premiums.
• Michigan, Tennessee, Massachusetts and others propose eliminating benefits. Masachusetts’ elimination of restorative dental services would save $56 million, says Medicaid director Terry Dougherty.
• Texas, Pennsylvania, Louisiana and others propose cutting payments to hospitals, doctors or nursing homes. Several states are considering new taxes on hospitals as a way to avoid cutting these payments.

States that accepted stimulus money to expand their Medicaid programs in 2009 are restricted from any such cuts that would affect low-income enrollment.  However, if the stimulus funding is not extended, some states are planning on heightening eligibility requirements.  For other states, while decreasing hospital and doctor reimbursement seems like the worst possible option– given that many doctors have already stopped accepting  Medicaid patients due to what they deem to be an insufficient rate of reimbursement– many states’ officials find that the only other viable option they have is raising taxes.  Many state leaders refuse to increase taxes in fear of the political backlash come November.

Realizing the need for health care reform to help manage the burden of paying for health care, state governors have stated a desire to be part of the health care reform conversation.  Many have already expressed their dislike for individual mandates, which they believe will drive more individuals to state Medicaid programs.  For the most part, however, the governors want reform and they want it now, finding that they simply can’t afford to wait another year.

It is also worth noting that an underlying issue from these new numbers is whether the Medicaid program is actually a good prototype for expanding health care coverage.  Drew Altman, President and CEO of Kaiser, put in perspective Kaiser’s report as well as the concerns of public spending that were sparked by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services’ projections for 2009-2019– which forecast that public spending on health care will surpass private spending.  He noted that while spending in public health insurance programs would increase, the cost-benefit would be better, since per capita costs on health care were lower in government-run programs than in private insurance programs.  According to Altman, such numbers did not undermine health reform efforts, but instead denoted “the need to control health care costs in the public and the private sectors alike.”

Why Primary Care in Medicare Matters

Why should we care about primary care in Medicare?  Early in the reform discussions, preventive and primary care was emphasized; in addition to extending medical care to all, reform would also implement preventive measures to keep them well.  In the current reform scrum, some are back peddling pretty fast, and in the course of finding “consensus” points (often focusing on cost-savings), we might lose conceptual coherence.

Ken Thorpe’s new Health Affairs article on chronic care patients in Medicare offers sound research and helpful analysis.  Thorpe’s data point toward a subtle explanation for health inflation keyed not to the increased cost of high-tech interventions, but to a shift in the conditions for which treatment is provided:

Our results highlight important changes in the medical conditions accounting for the rise in spending among beneficiaries over time. The most notable changes were in spending on a handful of chronic conditions: diabetes, kidney disease, hyperlipidemia, hypertension, mental disorders, and arthritis.

Thorpe has long argued that our health care delivery and finance system is stuck in a 20^th Century of acute care, while our 21^st Century needs have migrated toward chronic care.  As he has argued previously, these chronic care needs call for care at a human scale, including care management and supportive community-based care.  But he also points out that many chronic conditions are at least partially preventable, and that attention and resources should not be directed only to treating these conditions, but also to forestalling their incidence.

Prevention is, then, vital to any health care system.  But haven’t studies repeatedly shown that preventive care is not cost-effective?   Sorting this out requires that we step back and assess not only what “prevention” means, but also what we value in health care.

Preventive care can usefully be separated into three categories, as Ron Goetzel  (an Emory University colleague of Thorpe’s) has described.

• Primary prevention: Health promotion measures focus on lifestyle and simple interventions such as vaccinations to keep people from developing sickness; often cost-saving.
• Secondary prevention: Targeting people with preconditions for illness, including genetic or lifestyle markers, with screening technology, maintenance drugs, in order to forestall or prevent the manifestation of the condition; rarely cost-saving, in part because it is often applied to low-risk populations. Worth it? That depends on the design of the intervention and one’s metric for assessing health care value.
• Tertiary prevention: In this context, coordinated care management for those with chronic illness.  Properly implemented, chronic car management could “flatten the curve,” but is unlikely to be “cost-saving.”

So, whether “prevention” can save money (a claim Thorpe’s paper doesn’t make) is a complicated question.  In addition, it is often a poorly framed one. Explicitly or implicitly, cost-based objections to prevention often suggest that preventing one illness simply means that the person will die of something else, or less simplistically, that keeping people alive longer is cost-increasing, not cost saving.  Steven Wolf has elegantly responded to both objections:

[S]keptics of prevention argue that everyone dies of something; preventing demise serves only to allow a different disease to generate illness and spending. However, the aim of health promotion and disease prevention is not to prevent the inevitable but to “compress” morbidity, maximizing health until death.

Another common criticism is that prevention rarely saves money; it costs society if people live longer. The same applies to disease treatments. Health is a good; it is not purchased to save money. Health is a good that costs too much under the current medical care system, a problem of inefficiency that calls for wiser resource use, such as spending less per health unit gained (lower cost-effectiveness ratio). Disease prevention offers a way to improve health with low cost-effectiveness ratios and to also modulate disease rates. To reject health promotion and disease prevention because they do not save money (i.e., cost-effectiveness ratios are not negative) misses the point. (citations omitted)

Advocates who would shift our systemic emphasis to prevention and management of chronic illness, then, are not naïve about cost implications.  To the contrary, they address the issue head-on, with a three-step argument:

• The purpose of our system is or should be the maintenance of or restoration to high levels of functioning consistent with a fulfilling life.
• Our needs have largely shifted from acute to chronic interventions, and our system should shift to meet those needs.
• In preventing or managing chronic illness, as with all interventions, we should carefully examine the capacity of methods to meet our needs, and to demand value for those being served.

Applying this sort of argument to primary care, Goetzel elsewhere advocates skepticism of attempts by medicine to turn prevention into a high-tech enterprise:

We have medicalized prevention and health promotion in this country so that most people believe that only doctors in clinical settings can deliver these services. Although effective in many cases, this approach is the most expensive method of delivering prevention. If we expand our arsenal of potential interventions to include environmental, ecological, and policy changes, in addition to individually focused counseling and coaching programs, we can change the cost-effectiveness equation.

Thorpe’s article has garnered much-deserved attention, although it is tempting to think of his data in only cost-benefit terms.  That is not true to Thorpe’s conclusion, which is consistent with efforts to redirect attention from the business enterprise of health care to the health needs of Americans:

The U.S. health system remains predicated on providing acute, episodic care that is inadequate to address the altered patterns of disease now facing the American public. Our results highlight the need for prevention and care outside doctors’ offices and hospitals designed to address the changing needs of patients at risk for or living with chronic disease and, often, multiple comorbidities. As [reformers] continue their efforts to reshape the U.S. health system, they must address these changed health needs through evidence-based preventive care in the community, care coordination, and support for patient self-management.

Taking the Fraud Out of Medicare Expansion

One of the ways the Obama administration hopes to pay for health care reform is through policing Medicare fraud.  It is estimated that the Centers for Medicaid and Medicare Services (CMS) spends $60 billion a year on fraudulent claims.  According to Senator Grassley of Iowa, the federal agency received warnings of fraud by watchdog organizations, but did not respond to most of them; these warnings fell upon the CMS’s shoulders under the Bush Administration.

A report by the Department of Health and Human Services finds that much of the fraud in the Medicare Prescription Benefit program could have been avoided through better management of the companies that were hired by the federal government in 2006 to investigate and monitor the fraud.  Grassley notes that the companies, called Medicare drug integrity contractors or Medics, were essentially a waste of money because they were never given the proper information to perform the audits.  The New York Times reports that the Bush Administration did not allow for the audits by Medics to proceed until its final few months in office.

Under the current model, scams to get Medicare reimbursement for non-existent services are easier than one might think.  Just this past July, a couple who owned a medical business was indicted for submitting false reimbursement bills to the CMS for power wheelchairs that they claimed had been lost or destroyed during Hurricane Katrina.  Other scams include medical suppliers billing Medicare for equipment that was never given to patients, creation of fake medical supply companies, and acceptance of illegal kickbacks for referring Medicare patients to unneeded services.

Solutions to fraud, however, are not as clear-cut as one might wish.  For example, there is a worry that over-policing the CMS will lead to valid claims being denied at greater rates. Also, enforcement and punishment are issues.  Some health care companies have been able to escape criminal prosecution by paying restitution amounts for the fraudulent claims.  Finding restitution to be an insufficient deterrent to would-be fraudsters,  Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania wants to see scammers put behind bars. But there is also something to be said for the realization that the “Arthur Anderson solution” is really no solution at all.

Another interesting aspect to consider here is that the CMS finds that provisions of the House bill intended to reduce Medicare fraud will not save all that much money.  In spite of this (or perhaps because of it) many of our leaders have demanded that some action be taken to reduce Medicare fraud– even Sarah Palin says fraud is an issue.  One hopes that the Obama administration will learn from its predecessor’s mistakes (if in fact they be such) when it comes to creating watchdogs such as Medics, but then muzzling and not feeding them.

Crackdown on Fraud and Abuse in Detroit, Miami Signals Health Care Reform as a Priority of the Obama Administration

Federal agents arrested dozens of people in Miami and Detroit yesterday morning for allegedly submitting Medicare claims totaling $50 million for treatments that were unneeded and sometimes never provided, according to The Washington Post.

Later in the day, the Justice Department unsealed criminal indictments against 53 people in connection with the arrests. In Detroit, the indictments focus on costly HIV/AIDS infusion drugs as well as physical and occupational therapy treatments.

According to The Post,

Authorities filed criminal charges against patients, doctors, medical assistants and company owners who allegedly played complicit roles in the fraud schemes. Prosecutors are seeking forfeiture of the criminal proceeds and restitution to the Medicare program.

The action was announced at a news conference held by Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., Health and Human Services Director Kathleen Sebelius, and FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III.

We will strike back against those whose fraudulent schemes not only undermine a program upon which 45 million aged and disabled Americans depend, but which also contribute directly to rising health-care costs,

said Attorney General Holder.