Win-Win: Obama’s Student Loan Reform Decreases Student Loan Premiums and Works towards Health Reform Passage

Student loan legislation is being twinned with the health care reform legislation proposed by the House for reconciliation.  The language contained in the House “fix it” bill would stop federal subsidies to private lenders like Sallie Mae and would instead originate all federal student loans in the Department of Education.  Such reform is estimated to save taxpayers $67 billion over ten years according to the Congressional Budget Office.  The savings would be used to fund more need-based Pell grants, which are provided to low-income students to promote access to higher education.  In the past year alone, applications for Pell grants have skyrocketed due to the fact that many people are returning to school given the difficult economy.

Because only one reconciliation bill may be passed per year, the student loan reform legislation has been included in the health care reform bill.  President Obama wants to include the loan language in the bill because of its estimated savings as well as the benefits it will offer need-based students, and he finds the inclusion a “no brainer.”  The Democrats will need at least 51 votes in the Senate to pass the bill, however, and several members from their own party, including Ben Nelson of Nebraska and Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas, have already voiced concerns about the negative impact these changes will have on the loan companies and their employees.

The House Education and Labor Committee has already tried to discredit the claims of those who want to keep the loans with private lending companies. Rachel Racusen, communications director for the Committee was quoted as saying:

Lenders’ claims about job losses have already been debunked as another scare tactic to save their sweetheart deal.  While this legislation will trim the profits of banks, it will not lead to enormous jobs losses.

Democrats in favor of the bill add that the private lending companies will still be utilized for other loan services.  Some point to the alliances created in the Senate between loan companies and Senators.

Dissenters of the loan reform are missing the bigger picture concern: the benefits reaped by society through the intellectual development and financial security for America’s students.  Senator Patty Murray of Washington said:

My own personal perception is, when we have thousands of kids on the street marching because they can’t get into our universities and don’t have the capability of pay for college, this is the best time for us to act.

A Win/Win: Health Reform Passes, Limbaugh Leaves

If you weren’t committed to Health Care Reform before… perhaps on the fence about a few aspects of the bill or the process? How about this as a pot sweetener: if the Health Care Reform bill passes, Rush Limbaugh says he’ll leave the country.

As David Knowles over at AOL News points out, on Limbaugh’s radio show a “caller asked Limbaugh where he would go for health care if Congress were to enact reform.

‘I don’t know,’ Limbaugh responded. ‘I’ll just tell you this, if this passes and it’s five years from now and all that stuff gets implemented, I am leaving the country. I’ll go to Costa Rica.’”

One can hope.

Interestingly enough, as Knowles points out, Costa Rica has universal health care.

Obama’s Plan for a Health Care Summit and the Unenthusiastic Response

Last week, President Obama announced plans to hold a bipartisan health care summit to push forward on health care reform and to give both sides an opportunity to discuss ideas for health reform legislation that will be able to garner enough votes for passage.  While President Obama and Democratic Congressional leaders want to use the health care proposals that have already passed in the House and in the Senate, Republicans say that they are unlikely to vote for a bill unless the current proposals are scrapped and the process is started afresh.  It seems like Americans, once again, may be left watching the theatrics of the health care reform debate without actually being the focal point of it.

Some conservative Congress members have already responded to the President’s invitation publicly to make their steadfast positions known.  Representative Eric Cantor (R-Va.) said this past week that he was not willing to discuss a “health reform package that spends money we don’t have.”  He added that “House Republicans have offered the only plan that will lower health care costs.”  If that is true, it is likely attributable to the fact that the House Republican bill would cover only 3 million uninsured Americans, compared to the Democratic House bill which would  insure an additional 36 million Americans.

On Monday night, House Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Oh.) joined Cantor in submitting a letter to White House Chief of Staff, Rahm Emanuel, which said that the Republicans were not willing to come to the table unless certain prerequisite questions were answered.  You can see the whole letter here.  In the letter, Cantor and Boehner express their non-support for reform that the American people themselves are not supporting; the basis for such being the recent Republican Senate win in Massachusetts.

Exactly what are the citizens of American thinking about health care reform anyway?  CNN reported on Tuesday that nearly two-thirds of Americans want Congress to persist in passing health care reform legislation.  The poll, an ABC News/Washington Post survey, also indicates that Americans blame both Democrats and Republicans on their unwillingness to compromise.  HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius herself is quoted as saying, “When people look up close at the personal activities of Congress they are confused and disgusted with the whole process and too afraid that whatever is going on can’t possibly be good for them or their families.”

Many believe that the idea for the health care summit was to address the back-door processes that led to American distrust and to make it all more transparent.  Still, there appear to be more differences between the conservative version of reform and the liberal version than points of reconciliation.  Though the prolonged tug-of-war between both sides does not seem like one that might be resolved in a day of convening, the summit is, perhaps, at least a start.

And, while the political contenders decide what to do about the summit, the health reform stalemate has presently-occurring repercussions. Many hospitals, which were holding on to the hope of reform, are now at the point where downsizing their health systems is thought to be the only step left.  Hospitals all around the country have been seeing more and more uninsured patients, and with no one to cover the full cost of services, the hospitals providing unreimbursed care are said to be further sinking into debt– and must therefore cut staff as well as services.  On the individual level, Americans are also finding it difficult to  keep up with the costs of health care, and while many forgo insurance, those that cannot due to chronic illness or necessity of care are finding the cost further prohibitive.

It would make sense, then, that Americans do want reform.  Andrew Rubin, Vice President for Medical Center Clinical Affairs for NYU Langone Medical Center and radio show host for HealthCare Connect, says that one of the underlying reasons why Americans are reluctant to give support for legislation is their lack of understanding of what is happening, not because they do not want to see change.  Let’s hope that the proposed health care summit will be used to clarify issues for Americans who do need and want health care, instead of for just another political brouhaha.

Reform Rodeo

1a. Health Reform Post-Brown: Kaiser Health News Staff Writer Jenny Gold discusses the Democrats’ seemingly new strategy of focusing on repealing health insurers’ antitrust exemption.

2. Bending the Curve, Success Story: Maggie Mahar over at Health Beat has a wonderful overview of  Maryland’s successful approach to reducing health care costs.

3. Comparative Effectiveness: Dr. Nortin Hadler offers a forceful and nuanced view on the role of comparative effectiveness research.

4. Medicare and Technology: The New England Journal of Medicine has an interesting piece on how Medicare determines which health-related technologies to reimburse.

5. Quack Attack: Over at Science-based Medicine, Dr. Steven Novella covers the retraction of Andrew Wakefield’s 1998 article that claimed to link autism with the mumps-measles-rubella (MMR) vaccine.

6. Neuro News: The New York Times reports on how new studies may question some bedside techniques used to diagnosis the degree of brain activity in severely brain-injured patients.

7. Bonus: For those interested in more health-related links, Joe Paduda at Managed Care Matters hosts the current Health Wonk Review

Reform Rodeo

1. Big Pharma: The pharmaceutical industry is threatening to reverse their support of the health care reform legislation if the bill calls for a reduction in the number of years that a company’s biologics are protected from generics.

2. The Caddy Conundrum: NPR reports that organized labor appears to be on board with taxing Cadillac plans, with some movement in their favor regarding the thresholds triggering the tax.

3.  Health Insurance Exchanges: The Commonwealth Fund and the Alliance for health reform moderated a discussion on health insurance exchanges. Fantastic materials that outline the House and Senate plans can be found at the bottom of this page, which includes the extraordinary paper which Professor Timothy Jost presented.

4. Health Reform Discussions: The Health Care Blog has rounded up many of the discussions on health care reform.

5.  Play-or-Pay Problems: The NEJM has a thorough analysis of the “play-or-pay” provisions in health reform legislation, and the problems that may arise.

6. Multimedia: Atul Gawande chats with Charlie Rose on January 5th about health care, as well as Gawande’s new book “Checklist Manifesto”.

John V. Jacobi on Health Reform & Care for the Chronically Ill

In case you missed it: Health Reform Watch regular, Professor John V. Jacobi, interviewed by Lester Feder for Legal Issues in Health Reform, a publication of The O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University. In part:

Covering the Chronically Ill: An Interview with John V. Jacobi

John V. Jacobi is Dorothea Dix Professor of Health Law and Policy at the Seton Hall University School of Law. The O’Neill Institute’s Lester Feder spoke with him about health reform and covering those with chronic illness.

Lester Feder: Generally speaking, what do you think of what it is looking like we’re going to get out of Congress?

John V. Jacobi: I think that there are two big clusters of issues: one is covering the uninsured, which has gotten most of the attention, for good reason. The other issues, which I’ve been most concerned about is access for the most vulnerable: people with chronic illness and disabilities. On the first part it’s anybody’s guess on how well we’re going to do at covering the uninsured. On the second part, there are lots of interesting structural pieces in the bills that will help people with chronic illness, but I think that the overall structure of the reform may end up undercutting that quite a bit.

The pieces in the bills that are helpful are the ones that create medical homes, or chronic care management, or assure coordination of care for people with chronic illness. It is the sort of change that our delivery system and our finance system really need to be looking at. The problem with getting those innovations to actually work is that much of the coverage under the plans for the chronically ill will be provided through the private marketplace.

And here’s the problem with that: Private insurance companies are more or less profitable  depending on the risks that they accept. They are much more likely to be profitable if they are good at risk selection than if they are efficient and provide good service in other ways. There is such a dramatic concentration of cost in any actuarial pool that if an insurance company can avoid the 10 percent of the sickest people it is going to be doing quite well, whether it’s good or bad at delivering its services. And the ones that attract those 10 percent of the sickest are going to be in trouble unless there’s quite a good risk-adjustment program for premiums, which doesn’t seem to be available yet.

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Revisiting CONventional Wisdom on State Hospital Licensure

If there is one aspect of contemporary health care regulation that conservatives have decried, it’s “certificate of need laws.” These laws require licensure of new health facilities (and sometimes expansions of facilities) in thirty-seven states. Denounced as relics of socialist central planning, they were a prime target of the Bush-Era Dose of Competition report. But, as David Leonhardt notes, it appears that CON laws are reducing costs without impairing quality in some areas.

First, a bit of background. As health costs rose in the 1960s, many policymakers believed that a surplus of health services was to blame. Policymakers worried that health care costs were rising due to “induced demand:” the more doctors and hospitals there were, the more these actors would try to counteract the normal price-depressing effect of increased competition by finding more wrong with patients, thus “inducing” demand for their services. Although such a strategy could rarely work in a normal market, health care is a credence service—it is very hard for the average consumer to “second guess” his or her provider about the amount or nature of care needed.*

In 1974, Congress passed the National Health Planning and Resources Development Act. The Act required new health care facilities, and additions to existing facilities, to obtain a Certificate of Need (CON) from the appropriate state agency as a prerequisite to receiving federal funds via the Medicare and Medicaid programs. As a result of these laws, those opening new health care entities needed to demonstrate to state commissions that their services are actually needed by the community.

Over time, state boards started addressing concerns beyond “induced demand,” including social goals of equity and fair distribution of health resources. When I emailed a New Jersey policymaker who has worked in this area, he told me that the state would be unlikely to license specialty hospitals that concentrate on the most lucrative cases because they would threaten the ability of safety net hospitals to use revenue from such cases to cross-subsidize uncompensated care. He called such egalitarian concerns “explicit and leading factor[s] of discussion at all levels in CON proceedings.”

Leonhardt is more concerned about the classic CON goal of cost-control, and sees CON laws as a key reason for positive developments in Richmond, Virginia:

Since 1996, the Richmond area has lost more than 600 of its hospital beds, mostly because of state regulations on capacity. . . . Richmond has gotten rid of 15 percent of its hospital beds, and its health care still looks a lot like the rest of the country’s, only cheaper and a bit better. . . .

[Meanwhile, health facilities vastly expanded in South Dakota after it scrapped its CON law in 1988.] In other industries, all that new capacity might have led to a glut, in which workers and equipment sat idle. But health care is different. Doctors and patients tend to believe that more care is better, and patients often don’t pay much extra for any additional care. So new doctors, nurses and equipment generally stay busy.

Dr. John Wennberg of the Dartmouth Medical School refers to this phenomenon as supply-sensitive care. Dr. Marlon Priest, the chief medical officer of Bon Secours, puts it this way: “If you build 100 beds, they’ll get used.” . . . [But] [m]ore care is not always better care. Sometimes, in fact, it’s worse. Just consider the recent research showing that radiation from CT scans will eventually kill thousands of patients a year.

I’m not fully sold on the Dartmouth studies (here’s one critique of them), and I do worry that efforts to fight overtreatment will lead to some “meat ax” rationing that denies care to the poorest (rather than motivating those who don’t need the attention of the health care system to avoid it). But when cost saving initiatives are combined with a commitment to preserve access to necessary care for all, they may be as close to a “Pareto optimal” health policy as we can get.

*(Lawyers have their own version of this “induced demand” problem, encapsulated in the old saw: “When there was one lawyer in town, he had no business; when another moved in, he was swamped with cases.” I suppose laws against barratry offer a loose parallel to CON in the legal profession. Antitrust may stand in the way of legal and medical professionals’ own actions to avoid “induced demand.”)

X-Posted: Concurring Opinions.

Ringing in a New Year in Health Reform: For Whom the Bell –Still– Tolls

As we come upon this new year and the prospect of House and Senate Bill reconciliation,  I find myself taken by the process. The length of it–the depth of it–or perhaps more precisely, the lack of depth thereof. Back in the dog days of summer I wrote this:

The debate wandering to and fro and fueled by hyperbole, the desire for “victory” (whatever that may mean), and lobbyist dollars descending upon the corridors of Washington until they have become, in the words of T.S. Eliot,  ”Streets that follow like a tedious argument / of insidious intent.”

The words, unfortunately, seem as apt now as they did then. The passage of time harboring more of the same as the process “followed” into the need for 6o votes and the compromises (if not betrayals) necessary to garner the same.

“Had we but world enough and time/ This coyness, Lady, were no crime”

This article published back in September is worth considering

Research released this week in the American Journal of Public Health estimates that 45,000 deaths per year in the United States are associated with the lack of health insurance. If a person is uninsured, “it means you’re at mortal risk,” said one of the authors, Dr. David Himmelstein, an associate professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School.

The researchers…determined that the uninsured have a 40 percent higher risk of death than those with private health insurance as a result of being unable to obtain necessary medical care. The researchers then extrapolated the results to census data from 2005 and calculated there were 44,789 deaths associated with lack of health insurance.

Last New Year’s Day I wrote this in anticipation of the continued economic meltdown as it regarded Health Reform:

As we ring in the New Year and begin to contemplate the inter-relatedness of the macro-economy and commence what may well be the “fall into a ‘death spiral’ of unemployment, disfiguring ailments, and a tendency to be underemployed due to such ailments,” it might be worth a moment to consider the often sudden and unexpected nature of both job loss and catastrophic illness– and John Donne.

The bell which John Donne refers to in his most famous quote is “the passing bell,” tolled by the Church for those who are dying. As Donne lay very ill in his bed and heard this bell being tolled, he wondered if he were, in fact, sicker than he thought. And that perhaps that bell was being rung for him personally. He came to realize, however, that whether that was the case or not was largely irrelevant because

“No man is an island, entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. If a clod be washed away by the sea, Europe is the less, as well as if a promontory were, as well as if a manor of thy friend’s or of thine own were. Any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.”

In the midst of the year long “tedious argument / of insidious intent,” that bell tolled for thee another 45,000 times.

Reform Rodeo

1. Getting Up to Speed: Kaiser Health News breaks down where reform currently stands now that the Senate has passed their version of the Bill.
2. Multimedia Perspective: A thorough and well-done interactive timeline of U.S. Health Care Reform helps to provide some much-needed context. Clicking on the event gives a synopsis as well as a link to an NEJM piece on the event from that era.
3. No Snow(e) in Sight: Sam Stein notes how Olympia Snowe–a Senator who not long ago garnered the attention of all health reform followers–rationalized her “Nay” by questioning the Bill’s constitutionality.
   1. Speaking of the constitutionality of the Senate’s bill: As we have noted on this site earlier, questions of constitutionality pervade the dialogue. For those whose interest has been piqued, bloggers at the Volokh Conspiracy have penned a number of pieces on the issue, here, here, and here.
4. Senate Bill’s impact on health insurance companies: Bob Laszewski discusses the Bill’s impact on insurance company–channeling the skepticism of non-profit Harvard Pilgrim’s CEO Bruce Bullen.
5. Impending Car Crash?: Michael Goozner reiterates his view that the tax on “Cadillac” plans is the biggest issue facing health reform.
6. In case you missed it (an oldie but goodie): A Health Reform Watch article on the impact of lobbyists included in the Wikepedia entries for “Health Care Reform, United States” and “Health Insurance.” Which, now that a bill has passed in the Senate, begs the question: do you think those lobbyists might be in line for a bonus?

Al Franken (Bless Him) Stops Joseph Lieberman From Talking

Al Franken, like so many of us at this point, objects to Senator Joseph Lieberman speaking any further.

Health Reform: Whose Pants are on Fire?

In yesterday’s post we mentioned PolitiFact.com, the Pullitzer Prize winning fact-checker site of the St. Petersburg Times (they bestowed the dreaded “Pants on Fire” brand upon the chain email claim that “A data-storing microchip ‘would be implanted in the majority of people who opt to become covered by the public health care option’”). If you’ve never visited the site, now would be a really good time to do so. This is the link to their Truth-O-Meter page on health care. Brief little squibs with statements and an overall truth rating– click on each for further detail. In addition, you can click on the purveyor of the statement to get an overall track record of statements analyzed.

Earlier this evening I was speaking to a friend who was writing a recommendation for someone seeking admission to the Columbia School of Journalism– someone who had turned down admission at an Ivy League law school. I told my friend that “there’s no such thing as journalism anymore,” and that she should be sure to tell her friend.

But maybe the news of journalism’s demise has been  greatly exaggerated. Maybe it’s just going through a cataclysmic period of change and I am reassuredly wrong.  There’s a reason freedom of the press is specifically enumerated in the First Amendment; we risk the Fourth Estate at our own peril. But take a look for yourself, if they’re to survive they’ll need the traffic.

PolitFact.com, Health Care

“You’re Going to Die”: the “Paranoid” Style of Reform Opposition

An AP story on Wednesday quoted Tom Coburn, a Republican Senator and former obstetrician, addressing the reform bill’s Medicare cost-containment provisions, and delivering a message to seniors:  “I have a message for you: you’re going to die sooner.”  Some Democrats, such as Senator Pat Murphy, are clearly frustrated that Republican Senators, having opposed many recent Medicare improvement measures (see MIPPA 2008, which expanded primary care and suspended a scheduled cut in physician reimbursement), now cast themselves as the pro-Medicare party.  And standing with Coburn was Senator McCain, whose ‘08 presidential campaign argued for health reform financed in part with savings from Medicare and Medicaid.

The health reform bills contain interlocking provisions concerning coverage, finance, and delivery reform.  I doubt that any two thoughtful people would agree on every aspect of the current bill.  Comments of two sorts seem in order under these circumstances  (and hopefully are reflected in the posts on this site):  specific comments providing reasoned support or opposition to particular provisions and/or proposing amendments thereto, or general and reasoned comments supporting or opposing the overall package.  Coburn’s comment fits most nearly into the second category, but “reasoned” it ain’t.  It made me think of the classic Richard Hofstadter essay, The Paranoid Style in American Politics. (H/t to CBC’s Ideas, broadcast on November 28, podcast available here.)  Hofstadter, a Pulitzer Prize-winning Columbia University historian and commentator on American anti-intellectualism, wrote in his 1964 essay of the dark tradition in American politics of outrageous argumentation calculated to see “how much political leverage can be got out of the animosities and passions of a small minority.”  He was clear that he was not using “paranoid” in a clinical sense, but instead as a label to evoke a “sense of heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy.”

Hofstadter was clear that the “paranoid style” was not used only by one movement, or even by only one slice of the American political spectrum.  He argued that examples could be found on the left and the right, and on both sides of many major issues.  It is not Coburn’s position that harkens to Hofstadter’s characterization of irresponsible speakers.  Rather, it is the style of his speech.  Hofstadter explained it this way:

Of course this term is pejorative, and it is meant to be; the paranoid style has a greater affinity for bad causes than good. But nothing really prevents a sound program or demand from being advocated in the paranoid style. Style has more to do with the way in which ideas are believed than with the truth or falsity of their content.

American history is filled with examples of political spokespersons resorting to this sort of extreme speech:

In the history of the United States one finds it, for example, in the anti-Masonic movement, the nativist and anti-Catholic movement, in certain spokesmen of abolitionism who regarded the United States as being in the grip of a slaveholders’ conspiracy, in many alarmists about the Mormons, in some Greenback and Populist writers who constructed a great conspiracy of international bankers, in the exposure of a munitions makers’ conspiracy of World War I, in the popular left-wing press, in the contemporary American right wing, and on both sides of the race controversy today, among White Citizens’ Councils and Black Muslims.

Joining all of these examples together are several factors: extreme overstatement; the use of specific “facts” as the basis for factually unsupportable positions; and the apparent intent to inflame rather than reason.  There are of course, examples of such political speech today on the right and left.  It is no longer surprising — although regrettable — to hear simplistic and hateful comments from “entertainers” and “commentators” on cable news and talk radio programs.

But Colburn is not an entertainer.  He is in a leadership position in the United States Senate.  He might speak factually — rhetorical flourishes and all — about aspects of the bill with which he disagrees.  He might forcefully explain why he believes Americans should decide that we’d be better off without this version of health reform.  Instead, he has taken himself out of the discourse, and has used “factual” arguments for the purpose of misleading and inflaming.  He has, in short, removed himself from reasoned debate and embraced the demagoguery decried by Hofstadter.  Americans deserve better from our Senators.

Reform Rodeo

1. Kaiser Health News rounds up today’s editorials on health reform.

2. The New York Times reports that the CBO’s latest report finds that the Senate’s health bill will not increase premiums for the majority of Americans.

3. David Leonhardt describes how the Senate’s bill may offer more cost-cutting options than it is typically given credit.

4. John Iglehart offers his perspective on the the process that has allowed the Senate’s health reform bill to proceed to floor debate.

5. The Hastings Center has a thorough piece on the controversy surrounding the U.S. Preventitive Services Task Force’s decision to alter the recommended guidelines for mammography.

6. In case you missed it: Associate Dean Kathleen Boozang in The Health Care Blog regarding the Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law & Policy’s latest White Paper: “Conflicts of Interest in Clinical Trial Recruitment & Enrollment: A Call for Increased Oversight.”

7. In case you missed it again: Professor John V. Jacobi in the New Jersey Law Journal on “Genetic Discrimination and the Future of Health Insurance.” (First posted here on HRW).

Reform Rodeo

1. Kaiser Health News discusses the details of the House’s latest iteration of their Health bill.

2.  Ezra Klein analyzes whether the public plan will cost insureds more than private insurance.

3.  The New England Journal of Medicine circles back to a reform issue that is often overlooked: primary care and accountable care.

4. Jonathan Cohn at The New Republic looks at how two of the biggest players in the U.S. health care system–the medical device industry and the pharmaceutical industry–are affected by the House bill.

5.  The Healthcare Economist reports on a study released by the Urban Institute that breaks down how the House Bill will affect the number of uninsured.

6.  Wild Card: Eugene Volokh highlights on a case involving one company’s desire to patent a physician’s thought process.

7. In Case You Missed It: The Cost of (Not) Implementing Chronic Care Management by Professor John V. Jacobi.

Reform Rodeo

1. At the New England Journal of Medicine, David Cutler discusses possible reasons why the health care cost curve may bend in the future even without health reform.

2. Matthew Yglesias discusses health reform’s “labor problem.”

3. Ezra Klein points to the findings of a study that may undermine the common assumption that calorie labels in fast food restaurants reduce caloric intake.

4. At ABC Australia, an interesting and moving piece about the consequences of the patenting of the BRCA genetic test.

5. For those interested in the administrative side of health reform, Jacqueline Klosek describes and links to a notification and instruction form that HHS has provided to help covered entities comply with the HITECH Act’s new breach notification rules which are now in force.

6. Wild Card: The Lifehacker blog has a post describing a new “mash up” site called Data Masher that allows users to overlay freely accessible statistics onto maps. One of the “mash ups” available is a U.S. map with high school education and health care coverage overlayed.

7.  In case you missed it: Professor Tim Greaney in The Health Care Blog with a post on Medicare & Health Reform originally posted here on HRW.

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