If You Give a Republican a Cookie…

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Senator Charles Grassley (R-Ia), who is seeking re-election next year and is said to have wrested key concessions from his Democratic counterparts in the Senate– including, according to AP, “an agreement to back away from a government plan to compete with private insurers” –dipped his beak in the ignominious trough of the demagogue over the weekend. AP reports that Sen. Grassley

told an Iowa crowd he would not support a plan that “determines when you’re going to pull the plug on Grandma.” The remark echoed conservative activists who wrongly claim a House health care bill would require Medicare recipients to discuss their end-of-life plans with doctors.

In addition, with recent (perhaps hasty) speculation regarding the demise of a Public Option in Health Care Reform, The Wall Street Journal reports that “The number two Senate Republican said Tuesday replacing a public health care option with a nonprofit private cooperative wouldn’t win any more Republican support, saying they are essentially the same thing. Sen. Jon Kyl (R., Ariz.), said Republican objections were more fundamental than simply changing the name of a new national entity to compete with private medical insurers.”

Senator Kyle, who as Whip is said to speak for the Republican Party,  favors a more private market based approach to health care reform–utilizing such means as medical malpractice reform, allowing small businesses to join together to give them more negotiating clout with health insurers, and allowing health insurance to be permitted to be sold across state lines like other forms of insurance. In addition, Sen. Kyle is reported to support federal government encouragement of “individuals to save more for potential health care needs through tax-friendly accounts, which would reduce their reliance on costly insurance.”

Notably, in a 2006 report on the affect of the minimum wage on families in Sen. Kyl’s home state,  the Children’s Access Alliance of Arizona stated that “Arizona has the widest income gap in the nation. The average income of the top 5% of Arizona families is 14 times greater than the average income for the bottom 20% of families.” Also worth noting is that Senator Kyl voted against increasing the minimum wage in 1997, 2005 and 2007.

On Health Care Legislation, according to On the Issues.org, Sen. Kyle voted as follows:

• Voted YES on means-testing to determine Medicare Part D premium. (Mar 2008)
• Voted YES on allowing tribal Indians to opt out of federal healthcare. (Feb 2008)
• Voted NO on adding 2 to 4 million children to SCHIP eligibility. (Nov 2007)
• Voted NO on requiring negotiated Rx prices for Medicare part D. (Apr 2007)
• Voted YES on limiting medical liability lawsuits to $250,000. (May 2006)
• Voted NO on expanding enrollment period for Medicare Part D. (Feb 2006)
• Voted NO on increasing Medicaid rebate for producing generics. (Nov 2005)
• Voted NO on negotiating bulk purchases for Medicare prescription drug. (Mar 2005)
• Voted YES on $40 billion per year for limited Medicare prescription drug benefit. (Jun 2003)
• Voted NO on allowing reimportation of Rx drugs from Canada. (Jul 2002)
• Voted NO on allowing patients to sue HMOs & collect punitive damages. (Jun 2001)
• Voted YES on funding GOP version of Medicare prescription drug benefit. (Apr 2001)
• Voted NO on including prescription drugs under Medicare. (Jun 2000)
• Voted YES on limiting self-employment health deduction. (Jul 1999)
• Voted NO on increasing tobacco restrictions. (Jun 1998)
• Voted YES on Medicare means-testing. (Jun 1997)
• Voted NO on blocking medical savings accounts. (Apr 1996)
• Rated 0% by APHA, indicating a anti-public health voting record. (Dec 2003)

More extensive analysis of the votes may be found at On the Issues’ 18 full quotes on Health Care.

In a statement on Senator Kyl’s own website regarding Health Care, he notes that “The shortage of health care professionals is due, in part, to Medicare’s efforts to control costs.”

Senator Kyl has repeatedly opposed what he terms “government intervention” in the health care and health care insurance market, stating that it will invariably lead to bureaucrats standing in between patients and their doctors and what will ultimately amount to the rationing of health care.

Interestingly enough, on his website Sen. Kyl notes that in his home state of Arizona, “The average wait for a consultation with a gastroenterologist in the Phoenix area is now two to three months. Mesa hospital administrators report acute shortages of both orthopedic surgeons and neurologists, resulting in emergency room and inpatient consult delays.”

Senator Kyl does not seem to equate such waits or shortages with any form of market based “rationing” and states that the long waits for care at present are “partly due to exorbitant medical liability premiums and the lack of physicians willing to practice under the threat of lawsuits,” and, presumably,the above mentioned “Medicare’s efforts to control costs.”

Regarding Medical Malpractice as a means of Health Care Reform, Senator Kyl, as we’ve reported before, according to Bloomberg.com might be be best to look elsewhere. Regarding real Health Care Reform, for those who had entertained the notion of Bipartisan dialogue as a means to passing comprehensive legislation, they too might be best to look elsewhere. I would suggest, for now, while there are still cookies to be had, the House–where a substantial number of Democratic Representatives have insisted that they will not vote for any reform measure which does not include a Public Option.

Jost on Cooperatives: “Are Cooperatives a Reasonable Alternative to a Public Plan?”

[Ed. Note: Considering recent speculation that the Public Option may be "dropped" in favor of adoption of Health Care Cooperatives, this post by Timothy S. Jost which was originally posted to Health Reform Watch on June 15 , along with yesterday's re-post from Tim Greaney, should go some way towards answering some questions about Health Care Co-ops. As the clamor rises to understand the nature and implications of Health Care Cooperatives, this post from Professor Jost has been linked everywhere from NPR's Planet Money to  The Democratic Underground, the Patriot Room and all points in between. The point taken by most is that we've tried Health Care Co-ops before, and, for the most part, they've failed. For those of you who've missed the article, it is re-posted below as originally posted by Editor-in-Chief, Professor Frank Pasquale. You can access Professor Jost's bio by clicking here.]

Professor Timothy S. Jost, Washington & Lee University School of Law

In the last post, I introduced Timothy S. Jost and his case for a public insurance plan option. Jost has also recently addressed the new “middle ground” between a public option and the status quo: cooperatives. I’m honored to print his analysis below on our blog.

Are Cooperatives a Reasonable Alternative to a Public Plan?
by Timothy S. Jost

First, a word about history. We have tried cooperatives before. During the 1930s and 1940s, the heyday of the cooperative movement in the United States, the Farm Security Administration encouraged the development of health cooperatives. At one point, 600,000 mainly low-income rural Americans belonged to health cooperatives. The movement failed. The cooperatives were small and undercapitalized. Physicians opposed the cooperative movement and boycotted cooperatives. When the FSA removed support in 1947, the movement collapsed. Only the Group Health Cooperative of Puget Sound survived. Over time, moreover, even Group Health, though nominally a cooperative, has become indistinguishable from commercial insurers-it underwrites based on health status, pays high executive salaries, and accumulates large surpluses rather than lower its rates.

The Blue Cross/Blue Shield movement, which also began in the 1930s, shared some of the characteristics of cooperatives. Although the Blue Cross plans were initiated and long-dominated by the hospitals and the Blue Shield plans by physicians, they did have a goal of community service. The plans were established under special state legislation independent from commercial plans. They were non-profit and, in many states, exempt from premium taxes. They were exempt from reserve requirements in some states because they were service-benefit rather than indemnity plans and because the hospitals and physicians stood behind the plans. They were exempt from federal income tax until the 1980s. In turn, they initially offered community-rated plans and offered services to the community, such as health fairs. In some states their premiums were regulated and they were generally regarded as the insurer of last resort for the individual market.

Over time, however, the Blues lost their focus on community service and began to look more and more like their competitors. They abandoned community rating (which, realistically, they could not maintain when faced with competition from experience-rated commercial plans) and began to impose underwriting and cost-sharing requirements indistinguishable from the private plans. Although providers lost control of the Blue plans, the plans never took a leadership role in bargaining aggressively with providers, despite their market dominance in many states. Many of the largest Blue plans became for-profit, and those that remain non-profit are largely indistinguishable from commercial insurers. Although the national Blue Cross/Blue Shield association offers some coordination services to local plans, it has not resisted the move of Blue plans away from a community-service toward a for-profit orientation. Lacking a national focus on public service, state and regional plans have become indistinguishable from their commercial competitors.

Blue plans are not the only non-profit insurers that survive. Many church and fraternal organizations have their own non-profit plans. Although these plans often try to serve their communities, they usually have a small presence and little bargaining power in most communities in which they operate; tend to insure individuals and small groups, the most costly market; are often the victims of adverse selection; usually underwrite much like commercial plans; and tend to offer low value, high cost-sharing policies. They are not a model on which to build national reform. Mutual insurers are also in theory owned by their members. They also, however, are indistinguishable from for-profit insurers in most states.

What can we learn from this history? First, health care cooperatives are, in fact, an American response to health care reform. Cooperatives and non-profit insurers were there before for-profit commercial insurers entered the health insurance business, and we could try to revive the idea again.

But why would state or locally-run cooperatives be any more successful now than they were when we tried them before?

First, it is hard to imagine how they would get underway. Capitalization and critical size were problems before and would likely be problems again. Senator Conrad’s recent draft suggests that members of the coops would elect their boards, and that the coops would then obtain state licensure as mutual insurers, meeting state standards for solvency and reinsurance (with the help of federal seed money). But there is a chicken and egg problem here. Until the coops had members they could not have a board. Until they had a board, how would they meet licensure requirements? The state coops, moreover, would, under Conrad’s proposal be supervised by a national board, but the national board would be elected by the state coops. Again, the state coops would presumably not be able to get underway until the national board provided policy guidance, but the national board could not get underway until the state coops were formed to elect it. None of this makes sense.

Second, there is every reason to believe that small, state run coops would fail like their predecessors did in the 1930s and 1940s. Unless they reached the critical mass necessary to bargain effectively with providers, to accumulate reserves, and to compete with national private insurance plans, they would be doomed to failure. Even if they managed to succeed here and there, they would contribute nothing to a national effort to control costs, drive value, and make affordable care accessible.

Third, if state-run coops in fact, against all odds, became large, successful competitors for insurance business, what would keep them from following the course of the Blue and mutual plans before them? Without strong Congressional direction and a unifying national leadership, what could keep them focused on cost control, quality improvement, transparency, and service rather than simply becoming indistinguishable from their commercial competitors? How would they drive the delivery system change we need?

Fourth, how does setting up cooperatives on a state-by-state basis drive national health care reform? Each state currently can set up cooperatives if it wishes to, but none have done so. Why would states suddenly embrace this concept? And what assurance do we have that they would pursue anything like a common strategy? To approach this issue on a state-by-state basis is simply to surrender on national health care reform. A federal fallback plan to be implemented in the future is also unlikely to work. HIPAA contained a federal fallback plan for states that failed to implement reforms in the individual market, but it was poorly implemented and eventually abandoned. To revert to a state-by-state approach is to surrender on national health care reform.

What Would Make the Cooperative Concept Work?

In fact the cooperative idea in itself is promising. The proposed cooperatives look much like the social insurance funds of Germany and of other central European states. Those funds are governed by their members and do a comparatively good job of keeping health care costs in check. But they operate in a strong framework of national laws and under the guidance of national leadership.

The only viable strategy is Senator Conrad’s Option 2–a federal charter to license and regulate a national non-profit coop, with coop governance prescribed by Congress. Leadership could initially be appointed as directed by Congress to represent consumer, labor, and small business interests, and thereafter be elected by the membership. The federal government could provide seed funding to assure initial solvency, but thereafter the coop could be self-supporting. It would be financed through premiums, and compete on a level playing field with private insurers (although some account would have to be taken of the fact that private insurers, no matter what underwriting rules were imposed, would still dump high-risk insureds into the coop). Some administrative functions could be delegated to the regional level, much as Medicare Advantage or drug plans are administered at the regional level. Regional councils could also be elected by members, who could have a role in selecting the national board and an influence on national policy.

A national cooperative could perhaps compete effectively with national private insurers. It could perhaps bargain effectively with providers, including global pharmaceutical firms and national hospital chains. It is possible that it could drive creative national quality initiatives and provide national data on health care use. It would not be government-run insurance, the great fear of the American right. But it could perhaps provide a national solution for a national problem. It will not happen on its own, however. It will only work with concerted and probably long-lasting support from the federal government.

Market Entry by Health Care Cooperatives: Neither Quick Nor Easy

[Ed. Note: Considering recent speculation that the Public Option may be "dropped" in favor of adoption of Health Care Cooperatives, this post, which originally appeared in Health Reform Watch back on June 15th seems particularly worthy of reiteration. For those of you unfamiliar with Professor Greaney's work, he is the Chester A. Myers Professor of Law and the Director, Center for Health Law Studies, St. Louis University School of Law. A frequent contributor to HRW, he is a nationally recognized expert on health care law; Thomas Greaney has spent the last two decades examining the evolution of the health care industry. His bio may be accessed here; his recent testimony to the Senate on "Competition in the Health Care Marketplace" may be found here.]

Tim Greaney, St. Louis University School of Law

The idea of establishing regional cooperatives, advanced as an alternative to President Obama’s public plan option, has attracted attention as a means of assuring that health reform legislation contains some means to improve competition among health plans around the nation. But the proposal, which may have superficial appeal as a “middle ground” between a public plan option and an unchecked private market, is ill-equipped to fix the key problems a public plan would address. In addition, recent experience teaches that timely and effective entry by such plans is unlikely.

The first issue is whether a cooperative, organized by consumers or other groups, can effectively deal with the shortcomings of the existing delivery system and insurance market. Thus far, the proposal advanced by Senator Conrad is pretty sketchy, but are grounds for skepticism. A central reason for having government sponsored plans is to allow the efficiencies of Medicare’s well-established administrative structure and innovative payment experiments to carry over to the private sector. Coops provide no such advantage. A second advantage of public plans is that they would likely achieve some bargaining leverage by virtue of their probable role as insurer for people representing higher risks whom private insurers find some methods to avoid. Hospitals and physicians will be hard pressed to bypass such a significant presence in the market and the public plan can thereby exert market-wide pressure to keep provider and pharmaceutical costs down. Whether co-ops will be willing to undertake the role of covering such individuals or able to sponsor innovative delivery systems to treat them is far from certain.

In any event, it is hard to envision numerous regional coops gathering the necessary data, experience and reputation to serve as a benchmark or counterweight to dominant hospitals and provider groups across the country. Further, there is a serious question regarding the independence and mission of coops. It is a mistake to assume that nonprofit entities will necessarily work to the advantage of the public. Unfortunately, our experience with nonprofit hospitals and HMOs suggest that they can easily be persuaded to play along with other providers and may not always vigorously pursue their charitable mission. Keeping cooperatives’ eye on the ball would require close attention to the control and governance of such entities.

The second objection is based on timing and practical considerations. There is ample evidence from our experience with health insurance markets that developing effective coop-sponsored plans will not come easily or quickly. It is clear that new entrants into health insurance markets face a host of obstacles. The prevalence and magnitude of entry barriers is evidenced by the dominance and profitability of existing insurance plans. One or a handful of companies dominate most health insurance markets around the country and these firms have enjoyed consistent and robust profits. Economic theory would suggest that such profit opportunities should have invited entry by rivals eager to capture some of the profits available in those markets.

Additional proof of the obstacles to entry are found in the investigations by insurance commissioners into proposed mergers in their states. In Pennsylvania for example, the proposed merger of Highmark and Independence Blue Cross would have combined the dominant insurers in two large distinct geographic regions of the state. Evidence provided to the State indicated that numerous attempts by regional and national firms such as Aetna and Coventry to enter both markets had proved unsuccessful over the years. Expert studies suggested that a variety of factors including brand loyalty, difficulties in securing physician and hospital network contracts, regulatory and information gathering costs, and obstacles created by the contracting practices of incumbent providers, thwarted entry. Newly formed coops needing to acquire expertise and develop networks will surely face enormous difficulties penetrating markets.